D2.His.13.9-12: Critiquing the Sources Behind Two Histories of the Mecklenburg Declaration
In plain English: D2.His.13.9-12 is the C3 Framework history indicator for grades 9-12 that asks students to critique the appropriateness of the historical sources used in a secondary interpretation. Students test each source a historian cites against the exact claim it supports, asking how close, how direct, how independent and how interested it is, and judge whether it can bear that claim.
Critique the appropriateness of the historical sources used in a secondary interpretation.
C3 Framework for Social Studies (NCSS) · Dimension 2: Applying Disciplinary Concepts and Tools · Discipline: History · Historical Sources and Evidence · Official standard
A secondary interpretation is an account of the past built by a later writer from sources. D2.His.13.9-12 asks students to critique whether those sources are appropriate: whether each one can bear the weight of the claim it is cited for. The same source can be appropriate for a broad claim and inappropriate for a narrow one, so students judge source-claim pairs, not sources in general.
The case is a famous dispute in the history of the American Revolution. In 1819 a text was published as a declaration of independence adopted in Charlotte, Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, on May 20, 1775, more than a year before July 4, 1776. Two published interpretations reach opposite conclusions: C. L. Hunter's Sketches of Western North Carolina (1877) defends the May 20 declaration, and William Henry Hoyt's The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence: A Study of Evidence (1907) argues it is a memory-based version of resolves adopted on May 31, 1775. Students read both historians and the sources they relied on: 1830 testimony of aged witnesses, a certificate written in 1800, the May 31 resolves as printed in a 1775 newspaper, and Thomas Jefferson's 1819 letter. The lesson grades the quality of each critique, not which side a student favors.
Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
Identify the exact claim a secondary interpretation uses each of its sources to support
Apply five tests (claim, closeness, chain, independence, interest) to a source an interpretation cites
Judge a source-claim pair as appropriate, appropriate with limits, or not appropriate, and defend the verdict with quotations
Compare how two interpretations of the same event use, stretch or answer the sources
Revise a sentence of an interpretation so that its claim matches what its source can bear
Prior Knowledge Required
Students should already be comfortable with:
Judging a source's relevancy and utility from its maker, date, place of origin, audience and purpose D2.His.13.6-8
Citing specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources, attending to the date and origin of the information RH.9-10.1
Basic background: fighting between British troops and colonists began at Lexington, Massachusetts, in April 1775, and the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence in July 1776
"A school's 75th-anniversary booklet (an invented example) says: 'The debate team won the state title in 1985.' Its notes cite (a) a 2024 interview with the retired coach, (b) the 1985 state association results printed in a local paper, (c) a trophy in the hall marked 'State Champions' with no year, and (d) the school's own 2010 booklet, which says the same thing. Which note best supports the claim as written? Which notes would support only a smaller claim?"
Take answers. Most students choose (b), because it was printed that year by a body that kept the results. Push on the others: the trophy shows the team won a title but not which year; the 2010 booklet may simply repeat the coach; the interview is honest but forty years late. Name the skill: an interpretation is only as strong as the fit between each claim and the source behind it.
Direct Instruction25 minutes
Introduce the vocabulary. A claim is a statement an interpretation makes about the past. A source is appropriate for a claim when its closeness, chain and independence are strong enough to carry that claim; a source can be appropriate with limits, or not appropriate at all. A recollection is a memory written down later; a record is made at the time. Corroboration means agreement between sources that come from separate origins; agreement between sources that copy one another is only an echo. In the 1770s, Whigs were colonists who resisted British policies and Tories were those loyal to the Crown; resolves are formal decisions of a meeting.
The Appropriateness Test (an SVHS teaching tool): five questions for each source an interpretation cites
Question
Ask
Warning signs
1. Claim
What exact claim does the interpreter use this source to support? A date, a wording, an event, a mood?
A broad source stretched to cover a narrow claim
2. Closeness
How near in time and place was the maker to the event?
Decades between event and source; a maker who was elsewhere
3. Chain
Is it an original record, a copy, a copy of a copy, a recollection, or a report of what someone else said?
Lost originals; editors who "condensed" or changed a text; unknown origin
4. Independence
Does it come from a separate origin, or does it repeat another source on the list?
Witnesses who first read the disputed text; several sources tracing to one person
5. Interest
What did the maker, and the interpreter, hope the source would show?
Family or local pride, a reputation to defend, a cause to win
Verdict
Appropriate, Appropriate with limits, or Not appropriate, for this claim
A verdict on the source in general instead of on the source-claim pair
Give the background from the sources themselves. The text of a declaration said to have been adopted at Charlotte on May 20, 1775, was "first brought to the attention of the general public in the year 1819" (Source 3, paragraph 1). Jefferson doubted it that summer (Source 7). In 1830 the Legislature of North Carolina gathered testimony and "affirmed the Mecklenburg Declaration to be genuine and authentic" (Source 3). A different set of Mecklenburg resolves, dated May 31, 1775, had been printed in newspapers in June 1775 (Source 6). Then read Interpretation A: C. L. Hunter's account of the meeting (Source 1) and his evidence (Source 2). Ask students to mark, in one color, every source Hunter names.
1[...] Upon the return of the committee, the chairman proceeded to submit the resolutions of independence to the vote of the convention. All was silence and stillness around (intentique ora tenebant). The question was then put, "Are you all agreed." The response was one universal "aye," not one dissenting voice in that immense assemblage. It was then agreed that the proceedings should be read to the whole multitude. Accordingly at noon, on the 20th of May, 1775, Colonel Thomas Polk ascended the steps of the old court house, and read, in clear and distinct tones, the following patriotic resolutions, constituting, THE MECKLENBURG DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
2"Resolved, 1. That whoever directly or indirectly abetted, or in any way, form or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent, and inalienable rights of man.
3"Resolved, 2. That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the mother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British Crown and abjure all political connection, contract, or association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington.
4"Resolved, 3. That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people; are, and of right ought to be a sovereign, and self-governing association, under the control of no power, other than that of our God, and the general government of the congress; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor.
[...]
5After the reading of these resolutions, a voice from the crowd called out for "three cheers," and soon the welkin rang with corresponding shouts of applause. The resolutions were read again and again during the day to different parties, desirous of retaining in their memories sentiments of patriotism so congenial to their feelings.
6A copy of the proceedings of the convention was then drawn off, and sent by express to the members of congress from North Carolina, at that time in session at Philadelphia. Captain James Jack, a worthy and intelligent citizen of Charlotte, was chosen as the bearer; [...]
C. L. Hunter, Sketches of Western North Carolina, chapter I: the convention of May 19-20, 1775, and the resolutions (Source 1: Interpretation A, Hunter's account) (1877). Public domain (published 1877). Source text.
1[...] Adam Brevard was a younger brother of Dr. Ephraim Brevard, the reputed author of these resolutions, frequently performed his brother's writing during the active discharge of his professional duties, and was himself, a man of cultivated intellect, and christian integrity. [...] This venerable patriot, in a manuscript account of a celebration in Iredell county on the 4th of July, 1824, in discoursing on a variety of revolutionary matters, says among other things, he was in Salisbury in June 1775, attending to his professional duties as a lawyer, and that during the sessions of the General Court in that place, the bearer of the Mecklenburg Declaration arrived on his way to Philadelphia. [...]
[...]
2This important and additional testimony, here slightly condensed, but facts not changed, is extracted from a communication in the Southern Home, by Dr. J.M. Davidson, of Florida, a gentleman of great moral worth and christian integrity, and grandson of Adam Brevard, a brother of Dr. Ephraim Brevard, the reputed author of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.
3A brief extract from Governor Martin's dispatch to the British Secretary of State, dated 30th of June, 1775, as found in Wheeler's "Historical Sketches," will now be given, which cannot be viewed in any other light than that of disinterested evidence. The Governor proceeds by saying, "[...] The resolves of the Committee of Mecklenburg, which your Lordship will find in the enclosed newspaper, surpass all the horrid and treasonable publications that the inflammatory spirits of the continent have yet produced; and your Lordship may depend, its authors and abettors will not escape, when my hands are sufficiently strengthened to attempt the recovery of the lost authority of the Government. A copy of these resolves was sent off, I am informed, by express, to the Congress at Philadelphia, as soon as they were passed in the committee."
4The reader will mark, in particular, the closing sentence of this extract, as confirmatory of what actually took place on the 20th of May, 1775. Captain James Jack, then of Charlotte, a worthy and patriotic citizen, did set out a few days after the Convention adjourned, on horse back, as the "express" to Congress at Philadelphia, and faithfully executed the object of his mission. [...]
5The resolutions passed by the county committee of safety on the 31st of May following, and which some have erroneously confounded with those of the 20th of May, were a necessary consequence, embracing simply "rules and regulations" for the internal government of the county, and hence needed no "express" to Congress.
6The preceding testimony, conjoined with that of Gen. Joseph Graham, Rev. Humphrey Hunter, Captain James Jack, the hearer of the Mecklenburg Declaration to Congress, Rev. Francis Cummins, Major John Davidson, Isaac Alexander and others, previously referred to in the State pamphlet of 1831, and the exhaustive "Memoir" of the late Ex-Governor Graham--all men of exalted worth and Christian integrity, ought to be "sufficient to satisfy incredulity itself," as to the genuineness of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, and of its promulgation to the world on the 20th of May, 1775. And yet, in the face of this strong phalanx of unimpeachable testimony, there are a few who have attempted to rob North Carolina of this brightest gem in the crown of her early political history, and tarnish, by base and insidious cavils the fair name and reputation of a band of Revolutionary patriots, whose memories and heroic deeds the present generation and posterity will ever delight to honor.
C. L. Hunter, Sketches of Western North Carolina, chapter I: Hunter's evidence for the Declaration (Source 2: Interpretation A, Hunter's sources) (1877). Public domain (published 1877). Source text.
Testing a source Hunter cites: the Brevard testimony
Hunter's claim: in June 1775 "the bearer of the Mecklenburg Declaration arrived" in Salisbury on his way to Philadelphia (Source 2, paragraph 1). His source is Adam Brevard's manuscript, as reported by a grandson.
Result: Closeness: the manuscript is "a manuscript account of a celebration in Iredell county on the 4th of July, 1824" (paragraph 1), 49 years after the event. Chain: Adam Brevard's manuscript, then a grandson's "communication in the Southern Home," then Hunter, who gives it "here slightly condensed" (paragraph 2). Three hands stand between the reader and the original. Independence and interest: the writer was the brother of Dr. Ephraim Brevard, "the reputed author" of the resolutions, and the account comes down through the family. Verdict: appropriate with serious limits. It is fair evidence of a family memory of a messenger in Salisbury; it cannot by itself show which resolutions he carried or when they were adopted.
Testing a source Hunter cites: the governor's dispatch
Hunter offers Governor Martin's dispatch of June 30, 1775, as "disinterested evidence" for the declaration of May 20 (Source 2, paragraphs 3-4).
Result: Closeness: written by the royal governor about a month after the events. Interest: Martin opposed the patriots, so he had no reason to invent their boldness; Hunter's point is fair. Claim: but the dispatch speaks only of "The resolves of the Committee of Mecklenburg, which your Lordship will find in the enclosed newspaper" (paragraph 3). It gives no date and no wording, so any Mecklenburg resolves printed in a newspaper before June 30 would fit it. Verdict: appropriate for the claim that a Mecklenburg committee adopted resolves in the spring of 1775 that the governor thought treasonable; not appropriate, by itself, for the claim that they were adopted on May 20 in the words of Source 1.
Testing how Hunter weighs his witnesses
Hunter calls the testimony of his witnesses "unimpeachable" because they were "all men of exalted worth and Christian integrity" (Source 2, paragraph 6).
Result: Character speaks to honesty, but the test asks about closeness, chain and independence, and character answers none of them: an honest witness can still misplace a date or a wording after many years. Hunter's own interest also shows: he writes against those who would "rob North Carolina of this brightest gem in the crown of her early political history." Verdict: the appeal to character is not an appropriate basis for accepting a date and a wording. Each witness must be tested on what he could know and when he wrote.
Testing the text itself
Hunter prints the resolutions (Source 1, paragraphs 2-4) as the words Colonel Polk read "at noon, on the 20th of May, 1775" (paragraph 1).
Result: In these passages Hunter does not tell the reader where his copy of the words came from, so its chain cannot be tested from them. The words also share striking expressions with the Declaration of Independence of 1776: Hoyt notes that if the text is genuine, "some of the most striking expressions of Jefferson's immortal document of thirteen months later were borrowed from the Mecklenburg manifesto" (Source 3, paragraph 1). A text cannot prove its own date. Verdict: until its chain is shown, the printed text is not appropriate evidence for the exact words adopted in May 1775.
Now read Interpretation B, Hoyt's preface (Source 3). Ask: What sources does Hoyt say both sides cite? What does he say he set out to do, and what does that tell a critic about him? Students will test Hoyt's sources in Guided and Independent Practice.
1Since it was first brought to the attention of the general public in the year 1819, the declaration of independence which is alleged to have been issued on May 20, 1775, by a convention held in Charlotte, Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, has been the subject of the most mooted question and acrimonious controversy of the history of the American Revolution. Evidences dating from 1775 and onward of a document of this nature, copies of doubtful origin of the document in question, a copy written from memory in 1800, testimony of reliable persons who stated between 1819 and 1830 that they had been spectators and participants at a meeting which adopted it, and traditions are cited to prove the genuineness and authenticity of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. In 1830, after the publication of the trenchant letter of Thomas Jefferson expressing his belief that the paper was a fabrication, the Legislature of North Carolina took up the matter, and affirmed the Mecklenburg Declaration to be genuine and authentic. [...] The consensus of opinion of critical students of American history is opposed to its authenticity; but from the beginning of the controversy there have been two hostile camps, each fortified by what are regarded as unanswerable arguments. If this verdict be reversed, we must conclude, contrary to long-accepted views, and with the older British historians, that before May, 1775, there was a conscious movement in the colonies having independence as its aim, and we must admit that some of the most striking expressions of Jefferson's immortal document of thirteen months later were borrowed from the Mecklenburg manifesto. Herein lies the chief historical importance of the question.
[...]
2The purpose of this monograph is to show that all the evidence, new and old, which is cited in support of the genuineness and authenticity of the Mecklenburg Declaration, should be understood as relating to a series of resolves of similar import, which were adopted in Mecklenburg County May 31, 1775, and that the several versions of the supposititious paper of May 20, 1775, trace their origin to rough notes written from memory in 1800 by John McKnitt Alexander, who believed those resolves to be a declaration of independence and attempted to set forth their substance. In preparing the work I have gone to original sources of information wherever it has been possible. Hitherto inaccessible manuscripts are adduced to demonstrate the origin of the famous resolutions of May 20, 1775, and the successive stages of their construction.
3[...] In discharging my ungrateful office, I write simply as a student of history, inspired with a special love for the history of the “Old North State,” and with a profound veneration for the Mecklenburg patriots of 1775. I came to my subject before Dr. George W. Graham's book was announced with the intention of writing a defence of the authenticity of the Mecklenburg Declaration, but the irresistible logic of facts drove me to my present position. [...]
William Henry Hoyt, The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence: A Study of Evidence, Preface (Source 3: Interpretation B, Hoyt's purpose and method) (1907). Public domain (published 1907). Source text.
Guided Practice15 minutes
Pairs read Source 6, the resolves of May 31, 1775, as Hoyt prints them from a 1775 newspaper, and his defense of that newspaper. They apply the Appropriateness Test to Hoyt's use of the two 1775 newspapers for one claim: these resolves are genuine, and were adopted in this form (paragraph 9). Then share the key.
1The Mecklenburg resolves of May 31, 1775, appeared in the South-Carolina Gazette; And Country Journal of Tuesday, June 13, 1775, published in “Charles-Town,” South Carolina, as follows:
2Charlotte-Town, Mecklenburg County, May 31, 1775. This day the Committee of this county met, and passed the following Resolves:
3WHEREAS by an Address presented to his Majesty by both Houses of Parliament, in February last, the American colonies are declared to be in a state of actual rebellion, we conceive, that all laws and commissions confirmed by, or derived from the authority of the King or Parliament, are annulled and vacated, and the former civil constitution of these colonies, for the present, wholly suspended. To provide, in some degree, for the exigencies of this county, in the present alarming period, we deem it proper and necessary to pass the following Resolves, viz.
4I. That all commissions, civil and military, heretofore granted by the Crown, to be exercised in these colonies, are null and void, and the constitution of each particular colony wholly suspended.
5II. That the Provincial Congress of each province, under the direction of the great Continental Congress, is invested with all legislative and executive powers within their respective provinces; and that no other legislative or executive power, does, or can exist, at this time, in any of these colonies.
[...]
6XVIII. That these Resolves be in full force and virtue, until instructions from the Provincial Congress, regulating the jurisprudence of the province, shall provide otherwise, or the legislative body of Great-Britain, resign its unjust and arbitrary pretentions with respect to America.
[...]
7XX. That the Committee appoint Colonel Thomas Polk, and Doctor Joseph Kenedy, to purchase 300 lb. of powder, 600 lb. of lead, 1000 flints, for the use of the militia of this county, and deposit the same in such place as the Committee may hereafter direct. Signed by order of the Committee, EPH. BREVARD, Clerk of the Committee.
8The fact that these resolves were adopted in Mecklenburg County in May, 1775, which is the foundation of the argument against the alleged declaration of independence of the twentieth of the same month, has been denied by those who find them more or less incompatible with the declaration which they uphold, on the ground that it rests solely on the authority of a Charleston newspaper, and that, although the editor was a Tory, he printed them without remark, thereby showing that he was unwilling to vouch for their having been adopted on the date and in the form published. This contention arises partly from a lack of information concerning Charleston printers and American newspapers of 1775. The South-Carolina Gazette; And Country Journal, which printed the Mecklenburg resolves, was conducted by Charles Crouch, a sound Whig, and the one other Charleston newspaper published in June, 1775, also supported the cause of the colonies. [...]
9But another contemporary newspaper has been brought to light which confirms the genuineness and authenticity of the Mecklenburg resolves of May 31, 1775. On Friday, June 16, 1775, three days after the resolves were published in Charleston, they appeared in the North-Carolina Gazette, printed weekly at New-Bern, two hundred miles away. With the exception of a few words, mostly misprinted, no doubt, the two series of resolves and their headings are identical in form. [...]
Committee of Mecklenburg County (resolves) and William Henry Hoyt (commentary), The Mecklenburg resolves of May 31, 1775, as printed in the South-Carolina Gazette, and Hoyt's case for them (Source 6: Interpretation B's key evidence) (1775; this edition 1907). Public domain (published 1907). Source text.
Key for the teacher.
Closeness. The Charleston paper printed the resolves on June 13, 1775 (paragraph 1), and a New-Bern paper on June 16 (paragraph 9): 13 and 16 days after the date they bear. These are printings made at the time, not recollections.
Chain. Hoyt prints the newspaper's own text, with its heading and the clerk's signature, "EPH. BREVARD, Clerk of the Committee" (paragraph 7).
Independence. Two papers in two different cities carried the resolves within three days, and the two texts "are identical in form" (paragraph 9). That shows the text was in circulation in June 1775; because the texts match so closely, they probably came from the same original, so they confirm the text more than they confirm the meeting.
Interest. Defenders of May 20 argued that the Charleston editor "was a Tory" who printed the resolves "without remark"; Hoyt answers that he was "a sound Whig" (paragraph 8). Students should notice that the dispute over the editor's politics does not change the date of printing.
Verdict. Appropriate for the claim that a Mecklenburg committee issued these resolves, in this form, by early June 1775.
Independent Practice20 minutes
Students read Sources 4 and 5 on their own and write two short critiques (one paragraph each) and a comparison:
Hoyt uses John McKnitt Alexander's certificate of 1800 (Source 4) for the claim that the May 20 text was "conceived in the imperfect memory of John McKnitt Alexander, and written twenty-five years after its alleged date" (Source 4, paragraph 5). Apply the five tests and give a verdict.
Hunter rests the date "the 20th of May, 1775" on witnesses like those in Source 5. Choose one certificate, apply the five tests and give a verdict.
Which of the two uses of sources is more appropriate for its claim? Explain in two or three sentences.
1[...] The age and trustworthiness of the Davie paper and of its counterpart in the unknown handwriting are fixed by the conclusion to the former:
2It may be worthy of notice here to observe that the foregoing statement, though fundamentally correct, yet may not literally correspond with the original record of the transactions of said delegation and court of enquiry, as all those records and papers were burnt with the house on April 6th, 1800; but previous to that time of 1800, a full copy of said records, at the request of Doctor Hugh Williamson, then of New York, but formerly a representative in Congress from this State, was forwarded to him by Col. Wm. Polk, in order that those early transactions might fill their proper place in a history of this State then writing by said Doctor Williamson in New York.
3Certified to the best of my recollection and belief, this 3d day of September, 1800, by J. McK. Alexander. Mecklenburg County, N. C.
4This certificate of John McKnitt Alexander remained unknown to the world until the Rev. Charles Phillips, D.D., professor of mathematics at the University of North Carolina, and secretary of the Historical Society of the University, copied it from the original Davie paper placed in his hands by Governor Swain, and published it in an elaborate article contributed by him to the North Carolina University Magazine of May, 1853. [...]
[...]
5The certificate of the Davie copy constitutes the last link in the chain of documentary evidence, all proceeding from John McKnitt Alexander, which proves that the “Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence” is a distorted record of a true manifesto of Mecklenburg county, clothed in language wholly different from that of the true manifesto, conceived in the imperfect memory of John McKnitt Alexander, and written twenty-five years after its alleged date. Alexander professed to be only “fundamentally correct” in his “statement,” which included the declaration and his history of it. He said that it might not “literally correspond” with the original records, “as all those records and papers” had been burnt; and he mentions no memoranda that had been preserved. As if these caveats were not enough to prevent misconstruction, he was careful to certify only according to his best “recollection and belief.” [...]
William Henry Hoyt, quoting John McKnitt Alexander, The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence: A Study of Evidence, chapter IX, "The Davie Copy" (Source 4: John McKnitt Alexander's certificate of 1800, as Hoyt prints and reads it) (1907). Public domain (published 1907). Source text.
1CERTIFICATE OF ISAAC ALEXANDER.
2I hereby certify that I was present in Charlotte on the 19th and 20th days of May, 1775, when a regular deputation from all the Captains' companies of militia in the county of Mecklenburg, to wit: Col. Thomas Polk, Adam Alexander, Lieut. Col. Abram Alexander, John M'Knitt Alexander, Hezekiah Alexander, Ephraim Brevard and a number of others, who met to consult and take measures for the peace and tranquillity of the citizens of said county, and who appointed Abraham Alexander their Chairman, and Doctor Ephraim Brevard Secretary; who, after due consultation, declared themselves absolved from their allegiance to the King of Great Britain, and drew up a Declaration of their Independence, which was unanimously adopted; and employed Capt. James Jack to carry copies thereof to Congress, who accordingly went. These are a part of the transactions that took place at that time, as far as my recollection serves me. ISAAC ALEXANDER. October 8, 1830.
3CERTIFICATE OF SAM'L WILSON.
4STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, Mecklenburg County. I do hereby certify, that in May, 1775, a committee or delegation from the different militia companies in this county, met in Charlotte; and after consulting together, they publicly declared their independence on Great Britain, and on her Government. This was done before a large collection of people, who highly approved of it. I was then and there present, and heard it read from the Court House door. Certified by me. SAM'L WILSON.
5CERTIFICATE OF JOHN DAVIDSON.
6Beaver Dam, October 5, 1830. Dear Sir,—I received your note of the 25th of last month, requiring information relative to the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. As I am, perhaps, the only person living, who was a member of that Convention, and being far advanced in years, and not having my mind frequently directed to that circumstance for some years, I can give you but a very succinct history of that transaction. There were two men chosen from each Captain's company, to meet in Charlotte, to take the subject into consideration. John M'Knitt Alexander and myself were chosen from one company; and many other members were there that I now recollect, whose names I deem unnecessary to mention. When the members met, and were perfectly organized for business, a motion was made to declare ourselves independent of the Crown of Great Britain, which was carried by a large majority. Dr. Ephraim Brevard was then appointed to give us a sketch of the Declaration of Independence, which he did. James Jack was appointed to take it on to the American Congress, then sitting in Philadelphia, with particular instructions to deliver it to the North Carolina Delegation in Congress, (Hooper and Caswell.) When Jack returned, he stated that the Declaration was presented to Congress, and the reply was, that they highly esteemed the patriotism of the citizens of Mecklenburg; but they thought the measure too premature.
7I am confident that the Declaration of Independence by the people of Mecklenburg was made public at least twelve months before that of the Congress of the United States. [...]
Isaac Alexander, Samuel Wilson and John Davidson, as reprinted in William Henry Hoyt's appendix, Certificates of Isaac Alexander, Samuel Wilson and John Davidson, 1830, from the State Pamphlet of 1831 (Source 5: witnesses whose testimony Interpretation A relies on) (1831; this edition 1907). Public domain (published 1907). Source text.
What to look for. Strong critiques quote the source with a paragraph number for each test, compute the gap in years between event and source, and name who stands in the chain between the event and the words on the page. Strong verdicts are about the source-claim pair ("appropriate with limits for this claim because..."), and the comparison weighs both interpretations by the same tests.
Closure10-15 minutes
Read Source 7, Thomas Jefferson's letter of July 9, 1819, written after John Adams sent him the newly printed paper. Students will use it in the quiz. Sources 8 and 9 are for homework.
1But what has attracted my peculiar notice, is the paper from Mecklenburg county, of North Carolina, published in the Essex Register, which you were so kind as to enclose in your last, of June the 22nd. And you seem to think it genuine. I believe it spurious. I deem it to be a very unjustifiable quiz, like that of the volcano, so minutely related to us as having broken out in North Carolina, some half dozen years ago, in that part of the country, and perhaps in that very county of Mecklenburg, for I do not remember its precise locality. If this paper be really taken from the Raleigh Register, as quoted, I wonder it should have escaped Ritchie, who culls what is good from every paper, as the bee from every flower; and the National Intelligencer, too, which is edited by a North-Carolinian: and that the fire should blaze out all at once in Essex, one thousand miles from where the spark is said to have fallen. But if really taken from the Raleigh Register, who is the narrator, and is the name subscribed real, or is it as fictitious as the paper itself? It appeals, too, to an original book, which is burnt, to Mr. Alexander, who is dead, to a joint letter from Caswell, Hughes, and Hooper, all dead, to a copy sent to the dead Caswell, and another sent to Doctor Williamson, now probably dead, whose memory did not recollect, in the history he has written of North Carolina, this gigantic step of its county of Mecklenburg. Horry, too, is silent in his history of Marion, whose scene of action was the country bordering On Mecklenburg. Ramsay, Marshall, Jones, Girardin, Wirt, historians of the adjacent States, all silent. When Mr. Henrys resolutions, far short of independence, flew like lightning through every paper, and kindled both sides of the Atlantic, this flaming declaration of the same date, of the independence of Mecklenburg county, of North Carolina, absolving it from the British allegiance, and abjuring all political connection with that nation, although sent to Congress, too, is never heard of. [...] I must not be understood as suggesting any doubtfulness in the State of North Carolina. No State was more fixed or forward. Nor do I affirm, positively, that this paper is a fabrication: because the proof of a negative can only be presumptive. But I shall believe it such until positive and solemn proof of its authenticity shall be produced. And if the name of McKnitt be real, and not a part of the fabrication, it needs a vindication by the production of such proof. For the present, I must be an unbeliever in the apocryphal gospel.
Thomas Jefferson, Letter to John Adams, Monticello, July 9, 1819 (Source 7: an early doubter writes to John Adams) (1829). Public domain (published 1829). Source text.
1The testimony of John Simeson is not less significant than General Graham's. Simeson was twenty-one years old when the event of which he wrote occurred. After conversing, he said, “with many old friends and others,” and evidently after his mind was preoccupied by the publications made on the subject, he wrote from his home in Mecklenberg county, January 20, 1820: “As to the names of those who drew up the Declaration, I am inclined to think Doctor Brevard was the principal, from his known talents in composition. It was, however, in substance and form, like that great national act agreed on thirteen months after. Ours was towards the close of May, 1775. In addition to what I have said, the same committee appointed three men to secure all the military stores for the county's use—Thomas Polk, John Phifer and Joseph Kennedy. I was under arms near the head of the line, near Col. Polk, and heard him distinctly read a long string of Grievances, the Declaration and Military Order above.” John Simeson recollected nearly the precise terms of the military order which forms the last of the “long string” of resolutions which he was struggling to recall. The true “Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence” concludes as follows: [...]
[...]
2Simeson erred only in adding the name of John Phifer to the number of those mentioned in the military order. But his error was a likely one, for it appears that John Phifer actually received the military stores purchased under the order. On December 22, 1775, the Provincial Council of North Carolina resolved that Jeremiah McCaffety be paid for “two hundred and ninety-seven pounds and three-quarters of a pound of Gun powder taken and received by Colonel Thomas Polk and Major John Phifer.” [...]
William Henry Hoyt, quoting John Simeson, The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence: A Study of Evidence, chapter XI, "The Testimony of Witnesses" (Source 8, for homework: Hoyt on John Simeson's letter) (1907). Public domain (published 1907). Source text.
1The Mecklenburg Declaration was read aloud from the courthouse door in Charlotte to a large crowd, which cheered it.(a) Historians have since proved that no declaration of independence was made in Mecklenburg on May 20, 1775.(b) What the county committee did adopt, on May 31, was a set of resolves that it sent to the newspapers itself, which is why they appeared in Charleston and New-Bern within days.(c)
2Notes: (a) Certificate of Sam'l Wilson, 1830 (Source 5, paragraph 4). (b) William Henry Hoyt, preface, 1907 (Source 3, paragraph 1). (c) Hoyt, chapter II, on the North-Carolina Gazette (Source 6, paragraph 9).
SVHS (sample interpretation written for this page), A Sample Interpretation with Three Notes (Source 9, for homework: SVHS-written sample interpretation) (2026). Original passage written for this page.
Exit ticket: "Name one source from today, one claim it is appropriate for, and one claim it is not appropriate for. Give a reason from the five tests."
Teacher notes. (1) The dispute is historical, not partisan, but it touches state and local pride: Hoyt calls the May 20 declaration "the proudest page in the history of North Carolina" in a sentence cut from Source 3. Grade the reasoning, never the side. (2) Hunter's phrase "Christian integrity" describes the witnesses' reputation; discuss what character can and cannot show about memory without judging anyone's beliefs. (3) Background for the teacher, not for grading: most historians since Hoyt have accepted that the May 31 resolves are documented in 1775 newspapers and that the May 20 text cannot be traced to a 1775 original, while defenders of May 20 have continued to argue their case; North Carolina's state flag and seal still carry the date May 20, 1775. (4) Source 9 is SVHS-written for practice, not a published history. (5) Every cut is marked [...]; Sources 1-8 leave out passages on other topics, other witnesses and other copies of the resolutions. (6) Spelling and punctuation are the authors' own, for example "pretentions" in resolve XVIII and "Kenedy" in resolve XX of the 1775 resolves.
Differentiation Strategies
For Struggling Students
Give a one-page Appropriateness Test with sentence frames: "The interpreter uses ___ to claim ___. The source was made ___ years after the event by ___, who ___."
Number the people in each chain on the board (for example, Adam Brevard, his grandson, Hunter) before students judge a chain
Pre-teach eight terms with one example each: claim, recollection, record, corroboration, echo, resolves, Whig, Tory
For Advanced Students
Have students write the strongest possible defense of one of Hunter's source uses, then answer it
Ask whether Jefferson, accused by some of having borrowed from the Mecklenburg text, had an interest of his own in Source 7, and how a critic should weigh it
Have students find one place where Hoyt's own language ("the true manifesto," "irresistible logic of facts") goes beyond what his sources show
Assessment Guidance
What to Look For
Strong work names the exact claim before judging the source, uses at least three of the five tests with quotations and paragraph numbers, and gives a verdict for the source-claim pair, not for the source in general. It treats both interpretations by the same standards, recognizes that a source can be appropriate for a broad claim and not for a narrow one, and separates a witness's honesty from the accuracy of a memory written down decades later.
02
Classroom Activities
3 Activities
1
Claim Ladder
20 minPairs
Each pair gets a ladder with five rungs, from the broadest claim at the bottom to the narrowest at the top, and strips naming Sources 1-7. For each rung, pairs place every source that is appropriate for that claim, and write "with limits" on any strip that needs it. Pairs must be able to defend each placement with one of the five tests.
The Five Rungs
Some people in Mecklenburg County acted against royal authority in 1775.
A Mecklenburg committee adopted resolves against royal authority dated May 31, 1775.
Mecklenburg resolves had reached the royal governor by June 30, 1775.
A meeting in Charlotte adopted a declaration of independence on May 20, 1775.
The words printed in Source 1 are the exact words adopted in May 1775.
Notes for the Teacher
Rung 1 has many appropriate sources, including Sources 2, 5 and 6. Rung 2 is the claim tested in Guided Practice with Source 6. Rung 3 fits the governor's dispatch quoted in Source 2, paragraph 3. Rungs 4 and 5 are the heart of the dispute: let pairs argue them with the tests rather than giving a verdict, and use their disagreements to launch Activity 2. Ask: as the claims grow narrower, why do fewer sources fit?
2
Structured Academic Controversy
20 minGroups of 4 (two pairs)
In each group, Pair A builds the strongest case that Hunter's sources (Sources 1, 2 and 5) are appropriate for his claim of a May 20 declaration; Pair B builds the strongest case that Hoyt's sources (Sources 3, 4 and 6) are appropriate for his claim that the May 20 text is a later memory of the May 31 resolves. Pairs present (4 minutes each), restate the other side's case to its satisfaction, then switch sides. Finally, the group drops its assigned positions and writes the two source uses it finds strongest and the two it finds weakest, whichever side they come from.
Rules
Every argument names a source, a paragraph and one of the five tests.
No one may argue from a writer's character or home state alone.
The group's final list may include sources from both sides.
Scoring
Score the group's final list, not the side: 2 points for each source use that is judged with at least two tests and a quotation, 1 point if it uses one test, 0 if it gives no test.
3
Write the Honest Footnote
15 minIndividual, then pairs
Historians tell readers how far a source can be trusted in their notes. Each student writes a footnote (40-70 words) for Hunter's sentence that Captain James Jack "was chosen as the bearer" of the proceedings to Philadelphia (Source 1, paragraph 6). The footnote must cite at least one source from this page, quote it, and state one limit in plain words. Partners swap and check each other's notes against the five tests.
A Model Footnote for the Teacher
"John Davidson, who said he was a member of the meeting, certified in 1830 that 'James Jack was appointed to take it on to the American Congress' (Source 5, paragraph 6). Governor Martin wrote on June 30, 1775, that a copy of the Mecklenburg resolves 'was sent off, I am informed, by express' (Source 2, paragraph 3). Martin confirms that a messenger was sent in 1775 but names neither the man nor the date of the resolves; Davidson names Jack, fifty-five years later."
03
Diagrams & Visual Aids
2 diagrams
Diagram 1: The Appropriateness Test
The Appropriateness Test is an SVHS teaching tool. Start from the exact claim, find the source the interpretation cites for it, ask the five questions, and give a verdict for that pair. The same source can earn different verdicts for a broad claim and a narrow one.
Diagram 2: When the Sources Were Made
A timeline drawn to scale (5 pixels per year, ticks every 20 years from 1770 to 1910); the numbered points are listed below it. Dates come from Sources 1-7. Notice how far each kind of evidence sits from the spring of 1775.
04
Homework Assignment
~30 min
D2.His.13.9-12 Homework: Testing a Witness and a Sample Interpretation
Directions: Use Source 8 (Hoyt on John Simeson) for Part 1 and Source 9 (an SVHS-written sample interpretation) for Part 2, both printed in Closure, with Sources 1-7 as needed. For every verdict, name the claim, use at least two of the five tests, and quote with paragraph numbers.
Part 1: Hoyt's Use of a Defender's Witness (Problems 1-3)
In Source 8, Hoyt uses John Simeson's 1820 letter to support his own interpretation, although Simeson believed in the Mecklenburg Declaration. What exact claim does Hoyt use Simeson for? Quote the two details from Simeson that Hoyt relies on.
Apply the closeness, chain and independence tests to Simeson's letter. Hoyt himself says Simeson wrote "evidently after his mind was preoccupied by the publications made on the subject." Does that admission weaken Hoyt's own use of the letter, or only the parts Hoyt rejects? Explain.
Hoyt says "Simeson erred only in adding the name of John Phifer" and explains the error with a 1775 payment record. Is it appropriate for a historian to accept part of a witness's memory and reject another part? Give one rule a historian should follow when doing so.
Part 2: Critiquing a Sample Interpretation (Problems 4-6)
Source 9, note (a), cites Samuel Wilson's certificate for the sentence that the Declaration was read aloud "to a large crowd, which cheered it." Which parts of that sentence does Wilson's certificate support, and which part does it not? Give a verdict for the source-claim pair.
Note (b) cites Hoyt's preface for the claim that "Historians have since proved" there was no declaration on May 20. Compare the claim with what Source 3, paragraph 1, actually says. Give a verdict and rewrite the sentence so that the source can bear it.
Note (c) cites the North-Carolina Gazette passage for the claim that the committee "sent [the resolves] to the newspapers itself." Is this claim shown by the words printed in Source 6, paragraph 9? Give a verdict, then write a one-sentence version of the claim that the printed source can support, with a new note.
Rubric
Criterion
Full Credit (2 pts)
Partial Credit (1 pt)
No Credit (0 pts)
Claim identified
States the exact claim each source is used for
Claim stated loosely
Claim missing
Tests applied
At least two tests per source, each with a quotation and paragraph number
One test, or tests without quotations
No tests
Verdict
A verdict for the source-claim pair, consistent with the tests
Verdict given for the source in general
No verdict
Revision (Problems 5-6)
Rewritten sentence matches what the source shows, with a correct note
Rewrite partly fixes the overreach
No rewrite, or the same overreach
05
Quiz: 20 Questions
Interactive, with answers
Instructions
Questions 2, 3 and 17 use Source 7 (Closure). Questions 4 and 5 use Sources 3 and 4, and Questions 6-9, 13 and 15 use Sources 1 and 5 (Direct Instruction and Independent Practice). Questions 10, 11, 14 and 18 use Sources 2 and 6 (Direct Instruction and Guided Practice), and Questions 12, 16 and 19 use Source 3. Questions 1 and 20 need no printed source. Questions 1-14 are multiple choice; 15-20 are short answer.
Multiple choice: pick an option to check it. Short answer: write your answer, then reveal the model answer.
0 of 20 answered · 0 correct
Question 1 of 20 · Multiple Choice
A historian writes, "The town council voted unanimously on May 20." Which source (imagined for this question) is most appropriate for that claim?
Answer: B
B is a record made at the time by the officer whose job was to record votes: it is close, direct and has no long chain. A is honest memory written decades later, so it is weaker for an exact date and vote count. C adds a chain of unnamed tellers. D was made for a celebration and cannot record a vote.
Question 2 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which words in Source 7 show that Jefferson knew the limit of his own kind of evidence?
Answer: C
Jefferson's evidence is mostly silence: no one mentioned the paper. In C he admits that silence can only suggest, not prove, that something did not happen, and so he does not "affirm, positively, that this paper is a fabrication." A and B state his belief, and D is the silence itself, not his judgment of its limits.
Question 3 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Jefferson writes that the paper "appeals, too, to an original book, which is burnt, to Mr. Alexander, who is dead" and to others "all dead" (Source 7). What is his point about the paper's sources?
Answer: A
A: every authority the 1819 paper names is either destroyed or dead, so a reader in 1819 cannot test its chain. B is impossible, since Jefferson wrote in 1819, eleven years before the 1830 certificates. C is not in the letter; Source 4 says the records "were burnt with the house" in 1800. D confuses Alexander with Jefferson.
Question 4 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which words in John McKnitt Alexander's certificate (Source 4) most directly limit its use as evidence for the exact wording of the May 20 text?
Answer: C
C (paragraph 2) is Alexander's own warning that his words may differ from the record. A is also a hedge (Hoyt reads it as "only" fundamentally correct, Source 4, paragraph 5), but it claims accuracy in substance and says nothing about wording. B concerns a copy sent to Williamson, and D only dates the certificate, though the date does matter for closeness.
Question 5 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Source 4 says Alexander's certificate "remained unknown to the world until" 1853. Why does this matter when you weigh the 1830 decision by North Carolina's Legislature (Source 3, paragraph 1)?
Answer: D
The Legislature "affirmed the Mecklenburg Declaration to be genuine and authentic" in 1830, more than twenty years before the certificate was published, so D. A claims a motive no source on this page shows. B is the reverse of the dates. C is wrong: Source 6 shows the May 31 resolves were printed in June 1775.
Question 6 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Of the three certificates in Source 5, which detail gives the strongest support to the specific date of May 20, 1775?
Answer: D
Only Isaac Alexander names the days themselves (D, paragraph 2). Wilson (A) gives the month only, and Davidson's details (B, C) describe how the meeting was formed and how early it was, without a day. Naming a date is not the same as proving it, but among these three, only Isaac Alexander's words reach the specific claim.
Question 7 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which phrase in John Davidson's letter (Source 5) is the writer's own warning about the limits of his memory?
Answer: B
In B (paragraph 6) Davidson admits that, "being far advanced in years," he had not thought about the event for years. A is a claim to be a uniquely placed witness, a strength he claims, not a limit. C and D report events; they do not judge his memory.
Question 8 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Davidson writes, "When Jack returned, he stated that the Declaration was presented to Congress" (Source 5, paragraph 6). For the claim that Congress received the Declaration, this part of his letter is:
Answer: C
C: Davidson was in Mecklenburg, not Philadelphia, and he reports Jack's words fifty-five years later, so the chain has two links before the page. A misreads "he stated." B is wrong about both maker and date. D is wrong because the report comes from the meeting's own messenger.
Question 9 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Davidson's letter begins, "I received your note of the 25th of last month, requiring information relative to the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence." Which test does this sentence raise most directly?
Answer: A
A: the person collecting testimony asked about "the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence" by name, so the question itself may have shaped what an old man remembered. B measures the wrong gap: closeness is about the distance from 1775, not from the request. C and D claim more than the sentence shows.
Question 10 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which of the May 31, 1775, resolves in Source 6 shows that the committee meant its measures to be temporary?
Answer: B
B (paragraph 6) makes the resolves last only until the Provincial Congress acts "or the legislative body of Great-Britain, resign its unjust and arbitrary pretentions." A and C describe how far the resolves went, not how long they were to last. D is a purchase order.
Question 11 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Hunter says the May 31 resolves embraced "simply 'rules and regulations' for the internal government of the county" (Source 2, paragraph 5). Which words in Source 6 most challenge that description?
Answer: B
Resolve I (B, paragraph 4) cancels every royal commission, which goes far beyond local rules; the preamble also says royal laws are "annulled and vacated." A only identifies who signed. C and D concern where and how accurately the resolves were printed, not what they did. Hunter's description fits some later resolves, but it leaves out the first ones.
Question 12 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Hoyt writes that he began "with the intention of writing a defence of the authenticity of the Mecklenburg Declaration" (Source 3, paragraph 3). How should a critic use this statement?
Answer: A
A: a writer's account of changing his mind is information about the interpreter's interest, but it does not do the work of the five tests. B lets the statement replace the tests. C contradicts his stated "profound veneration for the Mecklenburg patriots of 1775." D throws away evidence about the maker.
Question 13 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Isaac Alexander says the meeting "declared themselves absolved from their allegiance to the King of Great Britain" (Source 5, paragraph 2). Source 1's second resolution says "absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British Crown" (paragraph 3). What does the match most likely tell a critic?
Answer: A
The certificate was written in 1830, after the text had been printed in 1819 (Source 3), so A: agreement with a text the witness may have read is an echo, not corroboration. B ignores that possibility. C goes far beyond the evidence. D is wrong: the May 31 resolves (Source 6) use different words.
Question 14 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which of these claims is Source 6 (the 1775 newspapers and Hoyt's comments on them) least appropriate to support?
Answer: D
Source 6 is close and direct evidence for A, B and C. It says nothing about May 20, so using it for D would turn its silence into proof that something did not happen, the move Jefferson himself admits "can only be presumptive" (Source 7).
Question 15 of 20 · Short Answer
Critique the appropriateness of Isaac Alexander's certificate (Source 5) for Hunter's claim that the meeting declared independence "on the 20th of May, 1775." Use at least three of the five tests.
Model answer: Claim: a specific date and act. Closeness: Isaac Alexander wrote on October 8, 1830, fifty-five years after May 1775. Chain: it is a recollection, not a record, and he limits it himself: "as far as my recollection serves me." Independence: his words "absolved from their allegiance" echo the text printed in 1819, so he may be remembering the publication as well as the event. Interest: he shares a family name with the chairman, Abraham Alexander, and several members he lists, which may give him a stake in the story. Verdict: appropriate with serious limits; it shows that a man who said he was present believed in a May 1775 declaration, but it cannot by itself fix the date of May 20. Rubric: 1 point for three tests with quotations; 1 point for a verdict tied to the claim.
Question 16 of 20 · Short Answer
Hoyt lists the kinds of evidence that defenders cite for the May 20 declaration: "Evidences dating from 1775 and onward," "copies of doubtful origin," "a copy written from memory in 1800," "testimony of reliable persons" given between 1819 and 1830, and "traditions" (Source 3, paragraph 1). Rank them from most to least appropriate for the specific claim that the declaration was adopted on May 20, 1775, and justify your first and last choices with the tests.
Model answer: Most appropriate: evidence dating from 1775, if it names the date, because it is closest and need not pass through memory; its weakness is that, as Hoyt argues and Source 2 shows with the governor's dispatch, 1775 evidence may refer to other resolves. Then the 1800 copy (one writer, twenty-five years later, by his own account from memory), then the 1819-1830 testimony (given decades later, and possibly shaped by the printed text), then copies of doubtful origin (their chain is unknown). Least appropriate: traditions, which have no known maker, date or chain at all. Other orders can earn full credit if each placement is justified with closeness, chain or independence. Rubric: 1 point for a ranking with a justified first choice; 1 point for a justified last choice.
Question 17 of 20 · Short Answer
Jefferson argues from silence: no newspaper, historian or member of Congress mentioned a Mecklenburg declaration in 1775-1776 (Source 7). How appropriate is this kind of evidence for the claim that no declaration was made on May 20, 1775?
Model answer: Silence is fair grounds for doubt: if so bold a paper had been sent to Congress, it is surprising that, as Jefferson says, it "is never heard of." But silence cannot prove a negative, and Jefferson admits that "the proof of a negative can only be presumptive." Records can be lost, as the 1800 fire (Source 4) shows. Jefferson also wrote forty-four years later from memory of Congress. Verdict: appropriate with limits, as a reason to demand positive proof, not as proof itself. Rubric: 1 point for naming the limit of silence; 1 point for a verdict with a quotation.
Question 18 of 20 · Short Answer
Compare how Hunter (Source 2, paragraph 5) and Hoyt (Source 6, paragraphs 8-9) deal with evidence that seems to count against them. Which interpreter handles contrary evidence more appropriately? Explain.
Model answer: Hunter mentions the May 31 resolves only to say they were "simply 'rules and regulations'" and "needed no 'express' to Congress," without quoting them; Source 6 shows that resolve I cancelled all royal commissions, so his description leaves out what does not fit. Hoyt states the defenders' objection to his newspaper in their terms (the editor "was a Tory" and printed "without remark") and answers it with evidence about the printer and a second newspaper. Hoyt handles contrary evidence more appropriately here, though students may note that his answer about the editor rests on sources the excerpt does not show. Rubric: 1 point for an accurate description of each; 1 point for a reasoned judgment.
Question 19 of 20 · Short Answer
Hoyt calls the 1819-1830 witnesses "reliable persons" (Source 3, paragraph 1), yet he rejects their date of May 20. Is that consistent? Explain using the five tests.
Model answer: Yes. Calling them reliable is a judgment about honesty and character; rejecting their date is a judgment about closeness and independence. Honest witnesses writing forty-four to fifty-five years later, after the text had been printed, could sincerely remember a meeting in May 1775 and still attach the wrong day or the published words to it. The tests separate what a witness intends from what a witness can still know. Rubric: 1 point for separating honesty from accuracy; 1 point for using closeness or independence.
Question 20 of 20 · Short Answer
Describe one source, not on this page, that would be most appropriate for settling the date of the Mecklenburg action, and explain why, using two of the five tests.
Model answer (one example): A letter written in May or June 1775 by a member of the committee, describing the meeting and its date. Closeness: written within days or weeks. Chain: an original in the writer's hand, not a recollection or a reprint. Other strong answers: the committee's own minute book (Source 4 says its records burned in 1800), or a 1775 newspaper printing a text dated May 20. Rubric: 1 point for a fitting source; 1 point for two tests explained.
0 of 20 answered · 0 correct
06
Frequently Asked Questions
10 Questions
What does D2.His.13.9-12 mean?
D2.His.13.9-12 asks high school students to critique whether the historical sources used in a secondary interpretation are appropriate. In practice, students check each source a historian cites against the exact claim it supports and ask whether the source can carry that claim. It belongs to the C3 Framework's history strand on historical sources and evidence.
What makes a source appropriate for a claim?
A source is appropriate when it is close enough to the event, direct enough in its chain and independent enough of the other evidence to bear the specific claim. Appropriateness belongs to a source-claim pair: a 1775 newspaper can be strong evidence that certain resolves existed and still say nothing about what happened on another day.
How is D2.His.13.9-12 different from D2.His.13.6-8?
In grades 6-8, students judge one source's relevancy and utility for their own question, using its maker, date, place, audience and purpose. In grades 9-12, the question belongs to someone else: students examine a published interpretation and judge whether its author chose and used sources well.
Why use the Mecklenburg Declaration for D2.His.13.9-12?
Two published histories reach opposite conclusions from overlapping evidence, and both are in the public domain, so students can read the historians and the sources they cite side by side. The case includes almost every kind of source problem: memories written decades later, a lost original, a copy written from memory, newspapers printed at the time and an argument from silence.
Does this lesson tell students whether the May 20 declaration happened?
No. The lesson grades how well students test each historian's sources, and students may reach different conclusions about the date. Historians and writers argued about it for generations, and the sources on this page come from both sides. Teachers should score the reasoning with the rubric, not the side a student takes.
What is an argument from silence?
It is an argument that something did not happen because the sources we would expect to mention it do not. It can be a fair reason for doubt, but records are lost and people stay quiet for many reasons, so silence alone rarely settles a question. Jefferson's letter of 1819 on this page is a classic example to discuss.
How long should a D2.His.13.9-12 lesson take?
This plan runs 75-85 minutes and can be split over two class periods: Direct Instruction and Guided Practice on the first day, Independent Practice, Closure and Activity 2 on the second. The quiz and homework take about 30 minutes each.
Can students apply this skill to modern secondary sources?
Yes. The same five tests work on a textbook chapter, a documentary or a museum label: find each claim, find the source behind it, and ask how close, how direct, how independent and how interested that source is. Many modern works list their sources in notes, which makes the critique easier to carry out.
How does D2.His.13.9-12 connect to other standards?
It builds on D2.His.13.6-8 and works alongside RH.11-12.8, which asks students to evaluate an author's premises, claims and evidence by corroborating or challenging them, and D2.His.10.9-12 on the limits of historical evidence. It prepares students for D2.His.17.9-12, which asks them to critique the central arguments of secondary works for their historical accuracy.
How can I assess D2.His.13.9-12 beyond a quiz?
Give students a short interpretation with notes, such as Source 9 on this page or a paragraph from a textbook, and ask them to judge every note and rewrite the weakest sentence so that its source can bear it. Score the claim, the tests, the verdict and the revision.
07
Related Standards
6 standards
These standards connect to D2.His.13.9-12: prerequisites to review first, parallel standards at the same level, and next steps that build on it.
Before this lesson
D2.His.13.6-8Prerequisite
Evaluate a source's relevancy and utility from its maker, date, origin and purpose
Critique the central arguments in secondary works of history for historical accuracy
Lesson coming soon
Standard text: National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS), The College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards: Guidance for Enhancing the Rigor of K-12 Civics, Economics, Geography, and History (Silver Spring, MD: NCSS, 2013). NCSS was not involved in the production of this lesson and does not endorse it.