Overview

Lesson Procedure

65-75 minutes of class time across 5 phases.

1. Warm-Up10 minutes
2. Direct Instruction20 minutes
3. Guided Practice15 minutes
4. Independent Practice15-20 minutes
5. Closure5-10 minutes

1. Warm-Up10 minutes

   Write one word on the board, fair, and three sentences an imagined school newspaper editorial might use in order: "The dress code is not fair." "By fair, I mean a rule that applies to every student in the same way." "A rule can treat everyone the same and still be unfair if it costs some families far more than others."

   Warm-Up Prompt

   "What does fair mean in each sentence? Where does the writer define it, and where does the writer change the definition? Why would a writer start with the word, then define it, then complicate it?"

   Students see three moves: using a word with its everyday force, stipulating a meaning ("By fair, I mean"), and refining it when a case does not fit. Tell them RI.11-12.4 asks them to follow exactly these moves in a demanding text, and that the standard's own example is James Madison's key term in Federalist No. 10.

2. Direct Instruction20 minutes

   Part 1: The toolkit. A key term is a word an author's argument depends on. To analyze how it is used and refined, students ask four questions at every appearance of the term.

   Four questions for a key term

   Question	Look for	Example move
   Is the term defined?	Stipulations: "by X I mean," "I understand," "that is"	A formal definition narrows an everyday word
   What does it connote here?	Words around it that carry judgment or feeling	Calling something a "vice" condemns it before explaining it
   Is it pictured figuratively?	Metaphors, analogies, recurring images	An image can carry a claim the author never states outright
   Has the meaning shifted?	Qualifications, new examples, contrasts with a second term	The term narrows, widens or gains a new cause or cure

   Part 2: Context. In the fall of 1787, New Yorkers were debating whether to ratify the new Constitution. Madison, writing as "Publius" with Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, published essays in New York newspapers defending it. Opponents argued that a republic could survive only in a small territory. Federalist No. 10 answers them. The text here is Henry B. Dawson's 1863 edition, which reprints the essays as they first appeared in the newspapers, with their capitals and spellings. Read Text 1 aloud and model worked examples 1-3 with Diagram 2.

   1AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well-constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular Governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular Governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. The valuable improvements made by the American Constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be too much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our Governments are too unstable; that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties; and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice, and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our Governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice, with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations.

   2By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.

   3There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.

   4There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction: the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.

   5It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy, that it was worse than the disease. Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.

   • Connotation before definition

     Text 1, paragraph 1 uses the key term before defining it: "the violence of faction," "this dangerous vice," "the mortal diseases under which popular Governments have everywhere perished," "a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations."

     Result: Before readers know what a faction is, they know how to feel about it. "Vice" makes it a moral failing; "mortal diseases" and "tainted" make it a sickness that kills governments. Madison sets the term's connotation first, so the neutral-sounding definition that follows arrives already condemned.

   • The key term defined

     "By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community" (Text 1, paragraph 2).

     Result: "I understand" signals a stipulated meaning: this is how the word will be used here. "Actuated" means moved to act; "aggregate" means taken all together. The definition turns on aim, not size: any group, even a majority, is a faction if it works against others' rights or the whole community's lasting interests (Diagram 2).

   • Figurative meaning: an analogy

     "Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires" (Text 1, paragraph 5).

     Result: "Aliment" means food or nourishment. The analogy makes faction a fire that liberty feeds. Its force is in the next step: no one would destroy air to prevent fires, so no one should destroy liberty to prevent factions. The image carries the argument, and it quietly refines the term: faction is a natural product of freedom.

3. Guided Practice15 minutes

   Text 2 follows Text 1 directly. Pairs read it and answer: What does Madison now say causes faction, and how does that change what the word means for his argument? Then model worked examples 4-5 and fill in stages 1-4 of Diagram 1 together. Point out that paragraph numbers on the diagram count the whole essay; Text 2 is paragraphs 6-7.

   1The second expedient is as impracticable, as the first would be unwise. As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed. As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other; and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of Government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results; and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties.

   2The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society. A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning Government, and many other points, as well of speculation as of practice; an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for preëminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other, than to coöperate for their common good. So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions, and excite their most violent conflicts. But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property. Those who hold, and those who are without property, have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern Legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the Government.

   • Refining the term: from vice to human nature

     "The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity" (Text 2, paragraph 7).

     Result: "Latent" means present but not yet active; "sown" pictures seeds. The disease of paragraph 1 is now something planted in everyone. This changes what the word means for the argument: if faction grows from human nature, removing its causes would mean changing human nature itself.

   • Technical meaning: "interest"

     "A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations" (Text 2, paragraph 7).

     Result: Here "interest" is a technical political term: a group that shares an economic stake, such as landowners or merchants. It ties faction to the "various and unequal distribution of property," and the paragraph ends by placing "the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the Government." Faction has moved from an occasional sickness to a normal feature of politics.

   Debrief: Property enters the essay in paragraph 6, where protecting the "faculties" from which property rights originate is "the first object of Government"; in paragraph 7 "the various and unequal distribution of property" divides society into factions. Is Madison contradicting himself? Push students to see that he is not: the same unequal abilities that government protects produce the divisions it must manage. Then run Activity 1.

4. Independent Practice15-20 minutes

   Students read two later excerpts of the essay and complete stages 5 and 6 of Diagram 1 on their own before answering quiz questions 1-20. Text 3 is paragraphs 10-11 and 13-14; Text 4 is paragraph 20 and the essay's last two paragraphs. The "[...]" lines mark paragraphs left out. Watch for words whose meanings have changed since 1787.

   1The inference to which we are brought is, that the causes of faction cannot be removed; and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its effects.

   2If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution. When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular Government, on the other hand, enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good, and private rights, against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular Government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed: Let me add, that it is the great desideratum, by which this form of Government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind.

   [...]

   3From this view of the subject, it may be concluded, that a pure Democracy, by which I mean a Society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the Government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole; a communication and concert result from the form of Government itself; and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party, or an obnoxious individual. Hence it is, that such Democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security, or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives, as they have been violent in their deaths. Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of Government, have erroneously supposed, that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.

   4A Republic, by which I mean a Government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises the cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it varies from pure Democracy, and we shall comprehend both the nature of the cure, and the efficacy which it must derive from the Union.

   1The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of Republican, than of Democratic Government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former, than in the latter. The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked, that where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust, in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary.

   [...]

   2The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States: A religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it, must secure the National Councils against any danger from that source; A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union, than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire State.

   3In the extent and proper structure of the Union, therefore, we behold a Republican remedy for the diseases most incident to Republican Government. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being Republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit, and supporting the character, of Fœderalists.

5. Closure5-10 minutes

   Exit ticket: "Write the most accurate one-sentence definition of 'faction' you can, using only Texts 1 and 2. Then underline the one word in your sentence that Madison's argument most depends on." Use the tickets to see who still defines faction as "a political party" or "a small group."

   Homework passage. Thorstein Veblen's The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899) is a classic of American economics and gave the language the phrase "conspicuous consumption." Like Madison, Veblen gives an everyday word a narrower, technical meaning and then keeps adjusting it. Teacher note: Veblen writes in the vocabulary of 1890s social science about "predatory" and "barbarian" stages of culture, and he mentions "chattel slavery" and "a servile class" as features of an early economy. "Barbarian" was a technical label in the social science of his day that ranked whole cultures in ways scholars now reject, and "chattel slavery" is the system in which enslaved people were held as legal property. The words are quoted exactly as in the source; discuss them as his period's terms and name slavery plainly as the enslavement of people.

   1During the predatory stage proper the distinction between the leisure and the labouring class is in some degree a ceremonial distinction only. The able bodied men jealously stand aloof from whatever is in their apprehension, menial drudgery; but their activity in fact contributes appreciably to the sustenance of the group. The subsequent stage of quasi-peaceable industry is usually characterised by an established chattel slavery, herds of cattle, and a servile class of herdsmen and shepherds; industry has advanced so far that the community is no longer dependent for its livelihood on the chase or on any other form of activity that can fairly be classed as exploit. From this point on, the characteristic feature of leisure class life is a conspicuous exemption from all useful employment.

   [...]

   2It has already been remarked that the term "leisure", as here used, does not connote indolence or quiescence. What it connotes is non-productive consumption of time. Time is consumed non-productively (1) from a sense of the unworthiness of productive work, and (2) as an evidence of pecuniary ability to afford a life of idleness. But the whole of the life of the gentleman of leisure is not spent before the eyes of the spectators who are to be impressed with that spectacle of honorific leisure which in the ideal scheme makes up his life. For some part of the time his life is perforce withdrawn from the public eye, and of this portion which is spent in private the gentleman of leisure should, for the sake of his good name, be able to give a convincing account. He should find some means of putting in evidence the leisure that is not spent in the sight of the spectators. This can be done only indirectly, through the exhibition of some tangible, lasting results of the leisure so spent--in a manner analogous to the familiar exhibition of tangible, lasting products of the labour performed for the gentleman of leisure by handicraftsmen and servants in his employ.

Differentiation Strategies

Assessment Guidance

1. Question 1 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   "The inference to which we are brought is, that the causes of faction cannot be removed" (Text 3, paragraph 1). What does "inference" mean here?

   AA guess made without any evidence BA conclusion drawn by reasoning CA hint the author leaves for readers to discover DAn objection raised by the essay's opponents

2. Question 2 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   "...relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote" (Text 3, paragraph 2). In context, "sinister views" are

   Aplans that are secret and hidden from the public Bideas that seem frightening but are harmless Caims that are harmful and wrong Dviews held by a group sitting on the left

3. Question 3 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   A minority faction "may clog the administration, it may convulse the society" (Text 3, paragraph 2). What do the figurative verbs "clog" and "convulse" suggest?

   AIt can block and shake the government but cannot rule it BA minority faction is certain to take over the government in time CA minority faction has no effect at all on public life DA minority faction works slowly and quietly in secret

4. Question 4 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   How does paragraph 2 of Text 3 refine the meaning of "faction" that Madison defined in Text 1?

   AIt drops the idea that a faction can be a majority BIt shows that factions exist only in small states CIt limits factions to groups based on religion DIt shows that the faction to fear is a majority faction

5. Question 5 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   "...it is the great desideratum, by which this form of Government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored" (Text 3, paragraph 2). "Desideratum" and "opprobrium" mean

   Aa thing badly needed; public disgrace Ba written law; public approval Ca fear or worry; public debt Da final vote; public attention

6. Question 6 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   Madison defines "a pure Democracy" as "a Society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the Government in person" (Text 3, paragraph 3). Which statement fits his technical meaning?

   AAny government in which citizens vote BAny government that protects rights CDirect rule by citizens who meet in one place DGovernment by the wealthiest citizens

7. Question 7 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   Pure democracies "have in general been as short in their lives, as they have been violent in their deaths" (Text 3, paragraph 3). What does this figure of speech do?

   AIt proves by statistics that democracies fail BIt pictures democracies as beings that die young and violently CIt praises democracies for their energy DIt shows that Madison is unsure whether his claim is really true

8. Question 8 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   "A Republic, by which I mean a Government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises the cure for which we are seeking" (Text 3, paragraph 4). Why does Madison define this second key term here?

   ATo show that republics have no factions BTo argue that representatives should serve for life CTo replace "faction" as the essay's main subject DTo set up the cure by contrast with democracy

9. Question 9 of 20 · Multiple Choice

   "Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests" (Text 4, paragraph 1). What does "extend the sphere" mean?

   AEnlarge the republic's territory and population BIncrease the powers of the national government over the states CGive more authority to state legislatures DLengthen the terms of elected officials

10. Question 10 of 20 · Multiple Choice

    "...it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former, than in the latter" (Text 4, paragraph 1). Here "combinations" means

    Amathematical arrangements of numbers Bthe mixing of different kinds of government Cgroups joined together for a shared purpose Dlocks that open with a code

11. Question 11 of 20 · Multiple Choice

    "The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States" (Text 4, paragraph 2). How does this image connect to Text 1?

    AIt returns to the fire analogy, with the Union now containing it BIt introduces a new image that has no link to earlier paragraphs CIt contradicts Text 1, which said faction could be removed DIt suggests that Madison wants to end liberty after all

12. Question 12 of 20 · Multiple Choice

    Madison lists "A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project" (Text 4, paragraph 2). What do "rage" and "wicked" reveal?

    ANeutral description of popular economic policies BSupport for the ideas as long as a majority of citizens wants them CDisapproval: he treats the demands as passions, not interests DHumor meant to make the demands seem harmless

13. Question 13 of 20 · Multiple Choice

    "...we behold a Republican remedy for the diseases most incident to Republican Government" (Text 4, paragraph 3). What does "incident to" mean?

    AAccidentally caused by BNaturally likely to occur in CReported in the news about DCompletely unknown to

14. Question 14 of 20 · Multiple Choice

    Text 1 spoke of "mortal diseases" and "a proper cure"; Text 4 ends with "a Republican remedy for the diseases." What is the cumulative effect of this disease-and-cure language on the meaning of "faction"?

    AIt shows faction was a minor problem all along BIt suggests that faction can be cured by removing liberty itself CIt shifts the essay from politics to medicine DIt frames faction as a chronic condition to be managed

15. Question 15 of 20 · Short Answer

    Madison's definition (Text 1) allowed a faction to be "a majority or a minority." Using Texts 3 and 4, trace how the term is refined by the end of the essay. Quote at least three words or phrases.

    Show model answer

16. Question 16 of 20 · Short Answer

    "Hence it is, that such Democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention" (Text 3, paragraph 3). Explain the meaning and connotation of "spectacles," and how the phrase supports Madison's argument.

    Show model answer

17. Question 17 of 20 · Short Answer

    Text 3, paragraph 2 speaks of "the republican principle," which lets the majority win "by regular vote"; paragraph 4 defines "A Republic" as a government with "the scheme of representation." Text 4 ends with "a Republican remedy." How does the meaning of "republican" develop across these uses?

    Show model answer

18. Question 18 of 20 · Short Answer

    Madison closes: "according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being Republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit, and supporting the character, of Fœderalists" (Text 4, paragraph 3). Explain what "Republicans" and "Fœderalists" mean here, and the effect of pairing them.

    Show model answer

19. Question 19 of 20 · Short Answer

    "...where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust, in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary" (Text 4, paragraph 1). Explain the meaning of "concurrence" and put the sentence's claim in your own words. How does it add to what a large republic does to faction?

    Show model answer

20. Question 20 of 20 · Short Answer

    Does "faction" mean the same thing at the end of Federalist No. 10 as in Madison's definition? Take a position and support it with evidence from at least two of the texts (Text 1, Text 3, Text 4).

    Show model answer

These standards connect to RI.11-12.4: prerequisites to review first, parallel standards at the same level, and next steps that build on it.

Standard text: Common Core State Standards for English Language Arts & Literacy. © Copyright 2010. National Governors Association Center for Best Practices and Council of Chief State School Officers. All rights reserved.