D4.6.9-12C3 FrameworkSocial StudiesCommunicating and Taking ActionGrades 9-12
D4.6.9-12: Understanding Problems Across Places and Times Through Many Lenses
In plain English: D4.6.9-12 is the C3 Framework inquiry indicator for grades 9-12 that asks students to use disciplinary and interdisciplinary lenses to understand the characteristics and causes of local, regional and global problems. Students compare instances of a problem in several places and times, and analyze the challenges and opportunities faced by the people who tried to address it.
Use disciplinary and interdisciplinary lenses to understand the characteristics and causes of local, regional, and global problems; instances of such problems in multiple contexts; and challenges and opportunities faced by those trying to address these problems over time and place.
C3 Framework for Social Studies (NCSS) · Dimension 4: Communicating Conclusions and Taking Informed Action · Taking Informed Action · Official standard
D4.6.9-12 asks students to understand a problem the way an interdisciplinary research team would. A disciplinary lens is the set of questions one field asks: chemistry and engineering ask how a process works, economics asks who pays and who gains, law and civics ask what rules exist and who enforces them, psychology and sociology ask what people believe and how groups organize, geography asks why here, and history asks what changed. An interdisciplinary lens combines two or more of them to see something neither shows alone, for example law and economics together asking whether a rule changes what it pays people to do. The standard has three parts: the problem's characteristics and causes at the local, regional and global levels; instances of the problem in several contexts; and the challenges and opportunities facing the people who tried to address it, compared over time and place. The Instance Comparison Matrix (Diagram 1) organizes all three.
The vehicle is coal smoke in great cities, a problem with a long and well-documented record. Students compare four instances from period sources: London from 1257 to 1307 and British law from 1853 to 1891 (Shaw and Owens, 1925), Pittsburgh from 1884 to 1892 (an economist on the University of Pittsburgh smoke staff, 1913), American cities in 1908 (the American Civic Association), and the United States after the First World War (a U.S. Bureau of Mines engineer, 1923). The sources disagree about what kind of problem smoke was, which is the point. The rubric scores the quality of the analysis, not any view of what cities should have done. The quiz applies the same tools to an invented valley town.
Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
Explain the characteristics and causes of a problem at the local, regional and global levels using named disciplinary lenses
Combine two lenses into an interdisciplinary explanation that neither lens gives alone
Compare instances of the same problem in different places and times, and explain why they differ
Analyze the challenges and opportunities faced by the people who tried to address the problem, including groups the sources hear only secondhand
Prior Knowledge Required
Students should already be comfortable with:
Analyzing a problem at several levels with disciplinary lenses D4.6.6-8
Analyzing multiple and complex causes and effects of past events D2.His.14.9-12
Comparing treatments of a topic in primary and secondary sources RH.9-10.9
"A city bans a cheap fuel because its smoke is unhealthy. A year later, most people are still burning it. List three different explanations, each from a different field of study. Then write one explanation that needs two fields at once."
Collect explanations and label each with its field: people cannot afford the cleaner fuel (economics), nobody enforces the ban (law and civics), people do not believe the smoke harms them (psychology), the cleaner fuel is not available nearby (geography). Then take the combined explanation, for example "the fine is smaller than the money saved by breaking the rule", and point out that it needs both law and economics. Tell students that this is an interdisciplinary lens, and that the problem they are about to study has been tried in many places over seven hundred years.
Direct Instruction30 minutes
Part 1: The question and the sources. The compelling question is "Why was coal smoke so hard to clear from great cities, and what helped?" Smoke is the vehicle for the skill. Key terms: bituminous or soft coal contains much volatile matter, gases that make smoke unless burned with enough air; abatement means reducing a nuisance; an ordinance is a city law; sea coal was the medieval English name for mineral coal; artificers were craftsmen; a Commission of Oyer and Terminer was a royal court sent to "hear and determine" cases; firemen in these sources are the workers who stoked boilers; a stationary boiler is a fixed steam plant. "Held in abeyance" means suspended. Sources 4 and 5 are by two British scientists; the British sources quote acts of Parliament.
Source Information: who wrote each source, when, and from what position (from the bylines and title pages)
Source
Author and position
Date
Instance and level
1
John O'Connor, Jr., economist, University of Pittsburgh smoke staff, and secretary of the Smoke and Dust Abatement League
1913
Pittsburgh, 1884-1892: local
2
Frederick Law Olmsted, Harlan Page Kelsey and the American Civic Association, a reform group
1908 (2nd ed. 1911)
American and Canadian cities: regional
3
Osborn Monnett, U.S. Bureau of Mines (a federal agency)
1923
The United States after the World War: national
4
Napier Shaw and John Switzer Owens, British scientists
1925
England, 1257-1891: global, over time
5
Shaw and Owens, as above
1925
British law and manufacturers in the 1920s: global
1When the story is told for Pittsburgh it is told for most of the cities of the country, for Pittsburgh, with its sobriquet, “The Smoky City,” has stood as the shining example of the Smoke Nuisance. Because of its wonderful industrial development and because of the black smoke which seemed to follow, Pittsburgh has done more than any other city on the globe to make smoke and prosperity synonymous in the minds of a great host of people who are seemingly indifferent to the truth of the whole problem.
[...]
2Pittsburgh might never have had any smoke abatement agitation if it had not come to pass that the city was practically freed from smoke by the discovery of natural gas and its utilization as a fuel. In a report made to the Engineers’ Society of Western Pennsylvania in May, 1884, there was this statement: “Smoke and smoked ceilings of Pittsburgh may become things of the past, yet if sold at the price now charged, i. e., 50c per thousand feet, it (natural gas) is much more costly than coal.” At the time of the report, natural gas was being used as a fuel in the Union Iron Mills and the Black Diamond Steel Works. It was only a short time until natural gas became cheaper than coal and came for the time being to supplant it as a fuel.
[...]
3In 1884 it is estimated that Pittsburgh was using annually 3,000,000 tons of bituminous coal. With the introduction of natural gas this fell off to less than 1,000,000 tons. The regime of natural gas was brief. About 1890 the coal consumption again began to move upward and by 1895 King Coal had resumed his throne.
[...]
4But Pittsburgh knew what a clean city was like. It had actually been experienced. It was only natural then that the people protested when the smoke began to increase. [...] A committee from the health association was present at the meeting of the Engineers’ society in February of 1892 when William Metcalf, referred to above, read a paper which was a partial defense of smoke. In the discussion that followed this paper one of the speakers said: “We are going back to smoke. We had four or five years of wonderful cleanliness in Pittsburgh, and we have all had a taste of knowing what it is to be clean.” At the March meeting of the Engineers’ society, the Ladies’ Health Association presented its side of the story.
[...]
5The ordinance of March, 1892, provided that after September 1, 1892, it should be unlawful for any chimney or smoke stack used in connection with a stationary boiler to allow, suffer or permit smoke from bituminous coal to be emitted or escape therefrom, within a certain district. This district was bounded by Miltenberger, Dinwiddie, Devilliers and Thirty-third streets on the west and the city line on the east. Its northern and southern boundaries were irregular, being arranged according to the newspaper “so as not to affect a number of iron works, steel works, oil refineries and other industries for which successful smoke consuming devices have not yet been provided.” It will be observed that this ordinance excepted the business section of the city, bounded by Grant street, the Tenth street bridge and the two rivers. The ordinance was chiefly notable for its exceptions.
John O'Connor, Jr., John O'Connor, Jr., on Pittsburgh, natural gas and the first general smoke ordinance, 1913 (Source 1: a city) (1913). Public domain (published 1913). Source text.
1London, however, is at last realizing the frightful price its people are paying in sickness, disease, death and a yearly economic loss, estimated at £4,000,000, for such so-called evidences of “material prosperity,” and is with increasing rapidity and effectiveness doing away with this, perhaps its greatest of all public nuisances. Our American cities, too, are at last awakening, and are seeing the new light of a brighter, clearer, smokeless day. Where once belching chimneys, soot-laden air, clanging noises and landscape blighted with flaming billboards and ten thousand intruding poles and wires were considered signs of municipal “push,” prosperity and business health, such evidences are now rightly more often termed municipal ignorance, crime, and business gangrene.
[...]
2The abolition of smoke, on the other hand, affects the whole community, since the production of smoke is claimed, especially by the careless or the uninformed, to be completely bound up with the material and industrial welfare of a city. The evil is one that grows with the growth of the community, and its abatement calls for a large, comprehensive and tactful treatment, with thorough coöperation between the different parties to the problem. Education of the public, the factory owners and the firemen to the bad economy and the wrong of smoke emission is of great importance.
3The smoke nuisance can be abated either by right stoking and furnaces insuring proper combustion of smoky fuels, or by substituting a smokeless fuel. The latter, especially in large steam plants, may not be possible from an economical standpoint, when the smoky fuel is materially cheaper than the smokeless fuel. The other remedy—proper combustion—is a matter of taking the pains to burn the coal or other material properly, and it can be substantially accomplished wherever people realize that the result is worth the trouble necessary to secure it. The first step in abating smoke is to pass a law or an ordinance, making the emission of black or dark gray smoke an unlawful act, punishable by fine. Such regulations are already in force in New York, Cleveland, Milwaukee, Toronto, Toledo, Indianapolis, Detroit, the District of Columbia, and numerous other cities. The second step is to get the law enforced. This may be done by a smoke-abatement department, or, as in some cities, by the health department. In any case, the work should be done under the direction of smoke inspectors, or officers delegated for the purpose, who understand boilers and their construction, and whose chief duty is to see that the smoke is abated. It is purely a question of engineering, and any manufacturer or others may readily obtain expert aid that will enable him to comply with the law.
Frederick Law Olmsted, Harlan Page Kelsey and the officers of the American Civic Association, The American Civic Association on the smoke nuisance in American cities, 1908 and 1911 (Source 2: a continent) (1908; this edition 1911). Public domain (published 1911). Source text.
1The increase of the smoke nuisance in the United States has followed directly the progress of industrial development. When towns were small and a large proportion of the population lived in the country, the smoke nuisance was unknown. As people concentrated in the cities, there followed a tremendous increase in the utilization of power and heat, and coal became the only feasible fuel where wood had largely sufficed before. In fact, one of the basic raw materials of our civilization to-day is coal. Five-sixths of that mined in the United States is bituminous or soft coal containing a large proportion of volatile matter which makes smoke if not properly burned. [...] Unless enough oxygen is supplied to burn completely the hydrocarbons composing the volatile matter, these hydrocarbons condense as soot which is precipitated on heating surfaces, and as smoke which escapes into the surrounding atmosphere.
2The deposit of soot on the heating surface of boilers and furnaces causes a serious economic loss by interfering with the efficient transmission of heat from the fire to the boiler or heater. In addition, the smoke that escapes into the atmosphere in smoke-ridden communities causes a considerable per capita loss to citizens through the damage to fabrics and merchandise, and also by the necessary extra cleaning and repairs.
3As smoke causes so much loss and annoyance, it is not surprising that efforts have been made to abate the nuisance. Some 50 or 60 cities in this country already have smoke ordinances. [...]
4The campaign was suspended during the World War, when most of the smoke ordinances throughout the country were held in abeyance with the intent of allowing industries to operate unrestrictedly during the time when maximum production was necessary.
5With the return of normal conditions there has been renewed interest in smoke abatement, and many cities have shown a determination to take up this matter seriously and work out a solution. Efforts in the past have been more or less spasmodic, but the need for smoke abatement has increased with industrial activity, until in some districts it is becoming one of the most important of civic questions.
6The broad assertion can be confidently made that any operation requiring fuel can be conducted without objectionable smoke, and yet use bituminous coal in some form.
7If smoke abatement were merely an engineering problem it would present no difficulty. Experience has shown, however, that the problem is not so much an engineering as a psychological one. The attitude of the public seems to be more important than the technical questions involved. Communities get just as much law enforcement as they desire. Until the public is thoroughly roused, demands smoke abatement, and shows continued interest in it, no permanent improvement is possible. Thus the part played by civic organizations and other bodies interested in bettering conditions is of high importance. Smoke abatement is not a matter that can be settled overnight and then left to take care of itself without attention, but is something that must be watched year in and year out if high standards are to be maintained.
[...]
8Many organizations assist in working out an educational campaign. Chambers of commerce and other business organizations can usually influence the large steam users and industries in general; women’s clubs can help with the domestic aspects of the problem; school centers can give lectures and general educational programs; and the Boy Scouts can distribute information in house to house campaigns.
Osborn Monnett, U.S. Bureau of Mines, Osborn Monnett, U.S. Bureau of Mines, on smoke abatement in the United States, 1923 (Source 3: a nation) (1923). Public domain (published 1923). Source text.
1As soon as the use of coal became at all general the smoke nuisance made itself felt, for it is recorded in the annals of Dunstable that in the year 1257 Eleanor, Queen of Henry III., was obliged to leave the town of Nottingham, where she had been sent to stay during the King's absence in Wales, and removed to Tutbury Castle instead, owing to the smoke of the sea coals.
2In London it is recorded that in the year 1273 sea coal was prohibited from being used as being "prejudicial to human health," and even the smiths were obliged to burn wood. Towards the end of the reign of Edward I. the use of coal in London had increased to a great extent. In spite of efforts to check its use, brewers, dyers and others who used much fuel had commenced to burn coal instead of wood and charcoal; the nobles, prelates and others going to London to attend Parliament were greatly annoyed by the increasing smoke, and took the lead in getting up demonstrations against the obnoxious fuel; they were joined by a great body of the populace. In consequence of the agitation, a Royal proclamation was issued in 1306 prohibiting artificers from using sea coal in their furnaces. Little notice seems to have been taken of this prohibition, and complaints still continued, so that it was decided to have recourse to stronger measures in order to put an end to the use of coal. In 1307 a Commission of Oyer and Terminer was appointed with instructions — "to inquire of all such who burnt sea coal in the city, or parts adjoining, and to punish them for the first offence with great fines and ransoms, and upon the second offence to demolish their furnaces." It is recorded that one man who disobeyed the King's command was tried, condemned to death, and executed for burning sea coal in London.
[...]
3Coming now to later years, we have an Act passed in 1853 to abate the smoke nuisance from shafts and steamers above London Bridge. In 1858 another Act came into operation, applying to steamers below London Bridge and to potteries and glasshouses, previously exempted. Still later we have the Public Health Act of 1875, which contains the statutory law as to smoke emission throughout England, except in London and a few provincial cities having local Acts. In London smoke emission is dealt with by the Public Health Act (London), 1891. Thus we see that throughout practically the whole history of coal as a fuel the smoke given off has been a source of continual trouble.
Napier Shaw and John Switzer Owens, Napier Shaw and J. S. Owens on seven centuries of smoke in England, 1925 (Source 4: another country, over time) (1925). Public domain (published 1925). Source text.
1An illustration of the difficulty of avoiding all smoke is provided by the large electric generating stations, where unforeseen variations of load occur, such as the increase due to a London fog, with its accompanying demand for artificial light. In such a case it may be necessary to fire fresh boilers very rapidly, and there is no known furnace which will admit of the smokeless combustion of bituminous coal until the temperature of the combustion chamber has attained a sufficient height. Even in steady working it is practically impossible to avoid all smoke, and a faint brown smoke is regarded as indicating more efficient working of boiler furnaces than none at all. The emission of some smoke may, therefore, be regarded as inevitable.
2The present position, therefore, is this. We know that dense smoke is unnecessary, and that entire absence of smoke is at the present time impossible of attainment, but we have not yet settled what should be allowed as a fair and reasonable amount of smoke, having regard to the improved methods of combustion which are now at the disposal of manufacturers.
3The Public Health Act of 1875 supplies the present standard by which smoke is judged throughout the country, except in the case of a few important cities possessing special powers on the subject. In this Act it is stated that: " Any chimney not being the chimney of a private dwelling-house sending forth black smoke in such quantity as to be a nuisance shall be deemed to be a nuisance liable to be dealt with summarily under the Act." Here, then, we have the present standard; not only must the smoke be black, but it must be a nuisance as well.
[...]
4Manufacturers might then use the best methods of combustion and the most suitable appliances. The loss to the manufacturer in soot, estimated as a percentage of his fuel bill, is probably not more than about ¼ to 1 per cent., and this is not great enough to prompt much effort to save it. On the other hand, the loss to the public due to the injuries inflicted by smoke is certainly many times greater; hence it is more to the interest of the public than of the manufacturer that smoke should be reduced.
[...]
5One difficulty which has always existed is that of dealing with large and small fuel consumers by means of a single standard, and this has militated against the establishment of a more rational standard than that laid down in the Public Health Act. Clearly we cannot limit a large manufacturer to the emission of the same total quantity of soot as a small one. His furnaces might be better designed and combustion more perfect than in the case of the smaller consumer, but the total quantity of soot emitted might be much greater. Such a limitation would, therefore, work unfairly against the large fuel consumer.
Napier Shaw and John Switzer Owens, Shaw and Owens on manufacturers, the law and who pays, 1925 (Source 5: the problem of a fair rule) (1925). Public domain (published 1925). Source text.
How to cite. The "[...]" lines mark cuts and are not numbered. Source 1 has paragraphs 1-5, Source 2 has 1-3, Source 3 has 1-8, Source 4 has 1-3, and Source 5 has 1-5.
Part 2: Model the analysis. Work through the examples with Diagram 1 and the timeline (Diagram 2). Each example names its lens, the instance and the part of the standard it serves.
Causes in a local instance: an economics and history lens (Source 1, Pittsburgh)
O'Connor reports that Pittsburgh burned about "3,000,000 tons of bituminous coal" a year in 1884, that natural gas cut this to "less than 1,000,000 tons", and that "by 1895 King Coal had resumed his throne" (Source 1, paragraph 3). What does this suggest about the cause of the smoke?
Result: The smoke rose and fell with the choice of fuel, and the fuel followed price: natural gas spread only when it "became cheaper than coal" (paragraph 2). Through economics and history together, a main cause was that the smoky fuel was usually the cheap one. Matrix box: Pittsburgh, causes.
Causes at the national level: chemistry and geography combined (Source 3)
Monnett writes that "Five-sixths" of the coal mined in the United States "is bituminous or soft coal containing a large proportion of volatile matter which makes smoke if not properly burned" (Source 3, paragraph 1). Why does this make the problem national rather than local?
Result: The chemistry explains how smoke forms: without enough oxygen, the volatile matter condenses as soot and smoke. Geography and economics explain why it was everywhere: the coal most American cities could get was the smoky kind, and smoke grew as "people concentrated in the cities" (paragraph 1). Matrix box: United States, characteristics and causes.
An instance over time: law and history (Source 4, London)
Shaw and Owens describe a ban on sea coal in 1273, a royal proclamation in 1306, and a commission in 1307 told to fine offenders and "upon the second offence to demolish their furnaces" (Source 4, paragraph 2). What challenge does this sequence show?
Result: Each step was stronger because the step before was not obeyed: "Little notice seems to have been taken of this prohibition". A ban alone did not change behavior while craftsmen still found coal useful. Paragraph 3 then lists acts of 1853, 1858, 1875 and 1891, so the problem came back for centuries. Matrix box: London, challenges.
Two interpretations of the same problem: engineering versus psychology (Sources 2 and 3)
The American Civic Association's pamphlet (1908; second edition 1911) says that smoke abatement "is purely a question of engineering" (Source 2, paragraph 3). In 1923 Monnett wrote that "the problem is not so much an engineering as a psychological one" (Source 3, paragraph 7). How should an analyst use the disagreement?
Result: Do not pick a winner by date. Each lens explains part of the problem: engineering shows that smokeless burning was possible, and psychology and civics explain why it did not happen, since "Communities get just as much law enforcement as they desire" (paragraph 7). An interdisciplinary reading treats public attitude as part of the cause. Matrix box: United States, challenges and opportunities.
Who bears the cost: law and economics combined (Source 5, Britain)
Shaw and Owens estimate that the manufacturer's loss in soot "is probably not more than about ¼ to 1 per cent." of the fuel bill, while "the loss to the public due to the injuries inflicted by smoke is certainly many times greater" (Source 5, paragraph 4). What challenge does this create for reformers?
Result: The firm that makes the smoke pays only a small share of its cost, so it has little reason to stop; the people who pay most do not control the chimneys. A cost that falls on people outside the deal is what economists call an externality. Law is the tool that can shift the cost back: with a proper legal standard, the authors argue, "Manufacturers might then use the best methods of combustion" (paragraph 4). Matrix box: Britain, challenges.
Guided Practice15 minutes
Pairs read Source 6, four analyses written by invented students. Tell students before they read that two of the four are deliberately weak. For each, pairs name the lens or lenses, check every claim against Sources 1-5, and rewrite the weak ones.
1Priya: Read through economics and history together, Pittsburgh's clean years were caused by a change in prices, not a change in values. Natural gas "became cheaper than coal", and coal use fell; when the gas era was "brief", coal returned (Source 1). Reformers in both places faced the same challenge: a rule asked people to give up the cheapest fuel. London's ban of 1306 (Source 4) offered no cheaper fuel, which may be one reason "little notice" was taken of it.
2Marcus: The sources prove that smoke was simply an engineering problem. Source 2 says, "It is purely a question of engineering." Cities that failed to end smoke just did not hire good engineers, so the only real challenge was technical.
3Elena: Through a combined lens of law and economics, the hardest challenge was writing a fair rule. Shaw and Owens say no one had "settled what should be allowed as a fair and reasonable amount of smoke" (Source 5), and that one limit on total soot would "work unfairly against the large fuel consumer". A rule that is unfair to some users is harder to pass and to enforce, so the measurement problem was also a political one.
4Dev: People in medieval London were foolish to keep burning coal after the king banned it. By the 1920s, modern cities had solved the problem with ordinances, as Source 3 shows when it says 50 or 60 cities had them.
5Teacher's note printed with the samples: two of these four analyses are deliberately weak. Decide which two, and why.
SVHS-written sample student work, Four Student Analyses of the Smoke Problem (Source 6: invented student work; two are deliberately weak). Original passage written for this page.
Teacher key (discussion points). Priya (paragraph 1) is strong: she combines economics and history, quotes Source 1 accurately, and offers a cautious comparison ("may be one reason"). Marcus (paragraph 2) is weak: he treats one source's claim as proof and ignores Source 3, paragraph 7, which argues the opposite, and Source 5, which says some smoke could not be avoided. Elena (paragraph 3) is strong: her law-and-economics lens connects a measurement problem to a political one. Dev (paragraph 4) is weak: it judges medieval people by later standards without evidence, and having ordinances is not the same as solving the problem; Source 3 still calls smoke "one of the most important of civic questions" in some districts (paragraph 5).
Independent Practice15 minutes
Each student completes the Instance Comparison Matrix for at least three instances and writes one paragraph answering the compelling question. The paragraph must compare two instances from different places or times, use one interdisciplinary lens and name it, and identify one challenge and one opportunity, citing sources by paragraph.
Closure10 minutes
Exit ticket: "Name one cause of city smoke that you could only see by comparing two instances, and say which two."
Teacher note on the sources: Sources 1 and 2 were written by smoke-abatement advocates, and their scorn for people who linked smoke with "prosperity" should be read as a position, not a finding; Source 5 gives the manufacturers' difficulties more weight. The voices of the boiler firemen, mill workers and residents of the smokiest districts appear only secondhand. Shaw and Owens report that a man was executed for burning sea coal under Edward I; they introduce it with "It is recorded", and students should treat it as a reported claim whose original record they have not seen. Source 2's phrase "municipal ignorance, crime, and business gangrene" is reform-group advocacy language of 1908-1911.
Quiz passage. Questions 1-5, 15-17, 19 and 20 use Source 7, an invented scenario about a valley town (paragraphs 1-5).
1Wenden Basin is an invented town of 14,000 people in a narrow mountain valley. In winter, about 40 percent of its homes are heated mainly by wood stoves. On cold, still nights, a layer of warm air sits on top of the colder air in the valley, a pattern called an inversion, and the smoke cannot rise out of the basin.
2The county counts the days each winter when smoke at its monitor reaches the warning level. Over the last four winters the counts were 11, 18, 14 and 22 days. The town clinic reports more visits for breathing trouble on those days.
3Wenden Basin belongs to a three-county air district. Two other valley towns in the district report the same winter pattern, and the district has the power to set rules for stoves sold after next year. A report from an international health office (invented) says that in many countries, families burn wood or other solid fuels indoors for cooking and heat, and that smoke from such fires harms health in homes as well as outdoors.
4A new low-smoke stove costs about $3,000 to buy and install. The district offers a $1,000 rebate to each household that replaces an old stove. Many of the homes that burn wood belong to retired people and to families who gather their own firewood because it costs them almost nothing.
5Residents disagree. Joan Merrill, who is retired, says she cannot afford a new stove even with the rebate and has burned wood safely for forty years. Carlos Vega, who owns a stove shop, says a rule would bring him business but should not force anyone out of their home. A nurse at the clinic wants burning stopped on warning-level days. A teacher suggests that the high school's science classes keep their own smoke readings.
SVHS-written invented scenario, Smoke in Wenden Basin (Source 7: an invented scenario for the quiz; all names, places and numbers are invented). Original passage written for this page.
Differentiation Strategies
For Struggling Students
Assign two instances only (Pittsburgh and London) and give the matrix with the lens names already filled in
Read Source 3 first, since it states the chemistry and the civic side in plain terms
Provide frames: "Through ___ and ___ together, the cause looks like ___." "In ___, the people trying to fix it faced ___, but in ___ they had the opportunity of ___."
For Advanced Students
Write the strongest case a Pittsburgh manufacturer of 1892 could make against the ordinance, using Source 5, and then answer it
Explain why a rule that limits total soot could raise or lower a city's pollution, using Source 5, paragraph 5
Research how one of the British acts named in Source 4 was enforced, and add it as a fifth instance
Assessment Guidance
What to Look For
Strong work names its lenses, combines at least two into one explanation, keeps instances distinct while comparing them, and separates characteristics from causes. It identifies challenges and opportunities for more than one group and notes when a source is an advocate. Watch for analyses that adopt one source's framing as fact, that judge past people by later knowledge, or that list facts by source without comparing instances.
02
Classroom Activities
3 Activities
1
Lens Pairs
15 minGroups of 4
Each group gets one card naming two lenses and a question that needs both. The group answers it with evidence from at least two instances, then reports one sentence that neither lens alone could have produced.
The Four Lens-Pair Cards
Chemistry and economics: Why did burning coal badly cost the owner of the furnace money, and why was that not enough to stop the smoke?
History and civics: Why did the rules against smoke keep being written again, from 1273 to 1923?
Psychology and economics: How did beliefs about prosperity shape what people would accept?
Geography and engineering: Why did the same fix not work everywhere?
Answer Key for the Teacher
Card 1: soot on boilers "causes a serious economic loss" by blocking heat (Source 3, paragraph 2), so good firing saves fuel; but the owner's loss is small next to the public's (Source 5, paragraph 4), so savings alone rarely moved owners.
Card 2: rules were ignored or suspended (Source 4, paragraph 2; Source 3, paragraph 4) and riddled with exceptions (Source 1, paragraph 5); each generation had to rebuild support (Source 3, paragraph 7).
Card 3: Source 2 says London paid a high price for so-called evidences of "material prosperity" (Source 2, paragraph 1) and that smoke was widely claimed to be "completely bound up with the material and industrial welfare of a city" (paragraph 2); a belief that smoke means jobs raises the cost of any rule.
Card 4: the fix depended on the fuel available and the kind of plant: Pittsburgh's clean years depended on a local fuel, natural gas, and lasted only while it was cheaper than coal (Source 1, paragraphs 2-3), and a generating station with sudden loads cannot avoid all smoke (Source 5, paragraph 1).
Discussion
Which pair produced the most surprising explanation? Ask whether any single field could have explained why the problem lasted seven centuries.
2
Instance Comparison
15 minPairs
Pairs complete Diagram 1 for the four instances, then answer three comparison questions in writing.
Comparison Questions
In which instance did a change in fuel, rather than a law, clear the air for a time, and why did it not last?
Which instance shows a rule made stronger step by step, and what does that suggest about the rule before it?
Compare who made the rules in London (Source 4) and in Pittsburgh (Source 1). What tools did each level of government use?
Answer Key for the Teacher
1: Pittsburgh, when natural gas was cheaper than coal (Source 1, paragraphs 2-3); it ended when coal use rose again from about 1890.
2: London, from a ban in 1273 to a proclamation in 1306 and a commission in 1307 (Source 4, paragraph 2); each new step suggests the one before was not obeyed.
3: in London the Crown acted: a royal proclamation in 1306 and a commission in 1307 with power to fine offenders and demolish furnaces (Source 4, paragraph 2), followed centuries later by Acts of Parliament (paragraph 3); in Pittsburgh the city councils passed an ordinance that covered only one district (Source 1, paragraph 5).
Discussion
Which row of the matrix was most similar across all four instances? Which was most different, and what explains the difference?
3
Stakeholder Map
15 minGroups of 3
Groups draw a map of every group that appears in the sources, with what each stood to gain or lose from smoke rules. This is perspective analysis, not role-play. Groups then mark the groups that speak for themselves in the sources and the ones that are only spoken about.
Groups to Place on the Map
Manufacturers and large fuel users (Sources 1, 2 and 5)
Boiler firemen (Source 2)
Civic and women's organizations (Sources 1 and 3)
Engineers (Sources 1 and 2)
City, state and national governments (Sources 1, 3 and 4)
Craftsmen such as brewers, dyers and smiths (Source 4)
The public breathing the air (Sources 3 and 5)
What to Look For
Strong maps show that the same rule meant different things to different groups: a cost to a large fuel user, a possible saving in fuel, extra work or training for firemen, cleaner air for residents. Groups that speak only through others include the firemen, the craftsmen of medieval London and the residents of the smokiest districts.
Discussion
Whose challenges are missing from the sources? What kind of source, such as a union newspaper or a court record, would add them?
03
Diagrams & Visual Aids
2 diagrams
Diagram 1: The Instance Comparison Matrix
Students fill one column per instance and one row per part of the standard. The "Level" row records whether the instance is local, regional, national or global from the point of view of the source; the "Lenses used" row names the disciplinary or interdisciplinary lens behind each entry.
Diagram 2: Smoke Rules over Time
Events from the sources: in 1257 a queen left Nottingham because of coal smoke, in 1273 London banned sea coal, in 1306 a royal proclamation and in 1307 a commission followed (Source 4); Britain passed smoke Acts in 1853 and 1875 (Source 4); natural gas cleared Pittsburgh's air from about 1884, and the city passed its first general ordinance in 1892 (Source 1); the American Civic Association report appeared in 1908 (Source 2); smoke ordinances were suspended during the World War, and the Bureau of Mines paper appeared in 1923 (Source 3). The axis is broken between 1320 and 1840; each half is drawn to its own scale. The war bar covers 1914-1918.
04
Homework Assignment
~30 min
D4.6.9-12 Homework: One Problem, Many Instances
Directions: Use Sources 1-5 (printed in the Direct Instruction section) and Diagram 2. Cite every piece of evidence by source and paragraph. Answer Problems 1-5 in one paragraph each, and Problem 6 in two paragraphs.
Part 1: Instances and Causes (Problems 1-3)
Source 4 begins in 1257 and Source 3 ends in 1923. Using a history lens and an economics lens, explain what stayed the same in the causes of city smoke across that time, and what changed.
Compare Pittsburgh's 1892 ordinance (Source 1, paragraph 5) with the ordinances described in Source 2, paragraph 3. What does each reveal about the challenges of writing a smoke law?
Source 2 says that smoke was "claimed, especially by the careless or the uninformed, to be completely bound up with the material and industrial welfare of a city" (paragraph 2). Write the strongest fair version of the view Source 2 dismisses, using evidence from Source 5, and then explain what an analyst should do with both views.
Part 2: Challenges and Opportunities over Time and Place (Problems 4-6)
Choose one group whose voice the sources report only secondhand, such as the boiler firemen or the residents of the smokiest districts. Explain one challenge and one opportunity that smoke rules created for that group, and name a kind of source that would let a historian hear the group directly.
Using economics and psychology together, explain how Pittsburgh's years of natural gas (Source 1, paragraphs 2-4) changed the opportunities open to reformers after coal returned.
Answer the compelling question: why was coal smoke so hard to clear from great cities, and what helped? Compare at least three instances, use at least one named interdisciplinary lens, and analyze challenges and opportunities for at least two groups.
Rubric
Criterion
Full Credit (2 pts)
Partial Credit (1 pt)
No Credit (0 pts)
Lenses
Names disciplinary lenses and combines two into an interdisciplinary explanation
Names lenses but uses them one at a time
No lens is named
Characteristics and causes
Separates characteristics from causes at more than one level, with evidence
Names causes without levels, or mixes causes and characteristics
Lists facts only
Instances compared
Compares instances from different places and times and explains the differences
Describes instances side by side without comparing
One instance only
Challenges and opportunities
Analyzes both for more than one group and notes when a source is an advocate
Names both for one group, or ignores source position
Neither is analyzed
05
Quiz: 20 Questions
Interactive, with answers
Instructions
Questions 1-5, 15, 16 and 19 use Source 7, the invented Wenden Basin scenario (in the Closure section). Questions 6-14 and 18 use Sources 1-5 (in the Direct Instruction section), and Questions 17 and 20 use both. For each multiple-choice question, choose the best answer. For short-answer questions, write one paragraph.
Multiple choice: pick an option to check it. Short answer: write your answer, then reveal the model answer.
0 of 20 answered · 0 correct
Question 1 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which detail from Source 7 shows the Wenden Basin smoke problem at the regional level?
Answer: C
The air district covers three counties, and its other valley towns report the same winter pattern (paragraph 3), so the problem is regional. A and D describe Wenden Basin alone, the local level, and B is the global level.
Question 2 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which lens best explains why the smoke is worst on cold, still nights (Source 7, paragraph 1)?
Answer: B
An inversion, warm air sitting over colder air, is an atmospheric process that traps smoke in the valley. Land use, household budgets and local history matter to the problem, but none explains why still, cold nights are the worst.
Question 3 of 20 · Multiple Choice
A new stove costs about $3,000, the rebate is $1,000, and many wood-burning households are retired people or families who gather free firewood (Source 7, paragraph 4). Which interdisciplinary reading fits this challenge?
Answer: A
A stove rule is a legal tool, and its cost lands hardest on households with the least money, so the challenge needs both lenses. B contradicts the "low-smoke" stove in the source, and C and D have no support in it.
Question 4 of 20 · Multiple Choice
What share of a new stove's $3,000 cost does the $1,000 rebate cover?
Answer: B
1,000 / 3,000 = 1/3, or about 33%. About 67% is the share the household still pays ($2,000). 50% divides the rebate by the $2,000 left to pay instead of by the full cost, and 25% divides it by $4,000.
Question 5 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Suppose the air district wrote a smoke rule for businesses and left every home out. Which earlier rule in Sources 1-5 would it most resemble?
Answer: D
The 1875 Act covered "Any chimney not being the chimney of a private dwelling-house" (Source 5, paragraph 3), so homes were left out. In Wenden Basin the homes are the main source, so such a rule would miss most of the smoke. A was a change of fuel, not a rule; B was aimed at craftsmen's furnaces; C suspended rules altogether.
Question 6 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Pittsburgh's 1892 district was drawn "so as not to affect a number of iron works, steel works, oil refineries and other industries for which successful smoke consuming devices have not yet been provided" (Source 1, paragraph 5). Which reading best explains the boundary?
Answer: A
The quoted reason is technical (no successful devices yet) and the result is legal (the plants were left out of the rule), so both lenses are needed. B is contradicted by the district being drawn inside the city, and C and D have no support in the source.
Question 7 of 20 · Multiple Choice
O'Connor says Pittsburgh did more than any other city "to make smoke and prosperity synonymous in the minds of a great host of people" (Source 1, paragraph 1). Which lens is he using?
Answer: C
He is describing a belief held by many people, which is a psychology or sociology question. The sentence says nothing about how smoke forms, where mills were, or what a law required.
Question 8 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Monnett writes that during the World War most smoke ordinances "were held in abeyance" so that industries could reach "maximum production" (Source 3, paragraph 4). What does this show about the problem over time?
Answer: D
The rules existed but were set aside because production mattered more at the time, so the challenge changed with the times. A and B contradict the paragraph, and C reverses it.
Question 9 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Source 3 says "any operation requiring fuel can be conducted without objectionable smoke" (paragraph 6). Source 5 says "The emission of some smoke may, therefore, be regarded as inevitable" (paragraph 1). How do the two claims relate?
Answer: B
Source 5 itself says dense smoke is unnecessary while some faint smoke cannot be avoided (paragraphs 1-2), which fits Source 3's word "objectionable". A misses the difference in wording, C is wrong twice (Source 5 is from 1925, two years later, and date alone does not settle a claim), and D misreads both.
Question 10 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Source 2 says a smokeless fuel "may not be possible from an economical standpoint, when the smoky fuel is materially cheaper than the smokeless fuel" (paragraph 3). Which challenge does this name?
Answer: C
The sentence is about price: the cleaner fuel exists but costs more. A contradicts the sentence, which assumes a smokeless fuel exists, and B and D are not in the source.
Question 11 of 20 · Multiple Choice
According to Shaw and Owens, who "took the lead in getting up demonstrations against the obnoxious fuel" around 1306 (Source 4, paragraph 2)?
Answer: D
The nobles and prelates "going to London to attend Parliament" took the lead, joined by "a great body of the populace". The brewers and dyers were among the coal users, the smiths are mentioned for 1273, and the queen's departure was in 1257 (paragraph 1).
Question 12 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Why do Shaw and Owens think one limit on the total soot from each chimney would be unfair (Source 5, paragraph 5)?
Answer: A
They say a large manufacturer's "furnaces might be better designed" but "the total quantity of soot emitted might be much greater", so a single total would "work unfairly against the large fuel consumer". B reverses the point, and C and D are not in the source.
Question 13 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Monnett lists chambers of commerce, women's clubs, school centers and Boy Scouts as helpers (Source 3, paragraph 8). What opportunity does this show?
Answer: B
Business groups reach "the large steam users", women's clubs "the domestic aspects", schools and scouts the households, so a campaign could reach every kind of user. A ignores most of the list, and C and D are not in the source.
Question 14 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which statement best compares London in 1306-1307 (Source 4) with the United States in 1917-1923 (Source 3)?
Answer: A
London's proclamation drew "Little notice" (Source 4, paragraph 2), and American ordinances were set aside in wartime and depend on what communities "desire" (Source 3, paragraphs 4 and 7). B contradicts both instances, and C and D are not supported.
Question 15 of 20 · Short Answer
Using Source 7, name one cause of the smoke problem (not a characteristic) at each level, local, regional and global, and the lens behind each cause.
Model answer: Local: wood is nearly free for many families, so they keep burning it (paragraph 4); lens: household economics. Regional: the district's towns sit in valleys where an inversion traps smoke on still nights, so the landform causes the same result in more than one town (paragraphs 1 and 3); lens: geography with atmospheric science. Global: in many countries families depend on wood and other solid fuels indoors for cooking and heat (paragraph 3); lens: economics or public health. Rubric: full credit for a true cause at each level with a named lens; partial credit for two levels, or for characteristics given instead of causes.
Question 16 of 20 · Short Answer
The warning-day counts for the last four winters were 11, 18, 14 and 22 (Source 7, paragraph 2). Find the mean, describe the pattern, and explain why a team should not judge a new rule by one winter's count alone.
Model answer: The mean is (11 + 18 + 14 + 22) / 4 = 65 / 4 = 16.25 days. The counts rise overall, from 11 to 22, but not every year: they fell from 18 to 14 before rising again. Because inversions depend on the weather (paragraph 1), one cold, still winter could raise the count even after a good rule, or a mild winter could hide a bad one; several winters, or days compared with similar weather, give a fairer test. Rubric: full credit for the correct mean, the up-and-down pattern and a weather-based reason; partial credit for two of the three.
Question 17 of 20 · Short Answer
Compare Wenden Basin with Pittsburgh's natural gas years (Source 1, paragraphs 2-3). What does the Pittsburgh instance suggest about the rebate, and what is different about Wenden Basin?
Model answer: In Pittsburgh, the air cleared when a cleaner fuel became cheaper than coal, and smoke returned when coal became the cheaper choice again. That suggests the rebate matters because it lowers the price of the cleaner option; whether households switch may depend on whether the remaining $2,000 is less than what they would gain. The difference is that Wenden Basin's wood is almost free for many families (paragraph 4), so the cleaner choice may never become the cheaper one without a larger rebate or a rule. Rubric: full credit for a price-based comparison and one clear difference; partial credit for a comparison without a difference.
Question 18 of 20 · Short Answer
Pittsburgh's coal use fell from about 3,000,000 tons a year to "less than 1,000,000 tons" when natural gas spread (Source 1, paragraph 3). By at least what percent did coal use fall? What does the size of the drop suggest?
Model answer: At least (3,000,000 - 1,000,000) / 3,000,000 = 2/3, or about 67%; because the new figure is "less than" 1,000,000, the real drop was larger. A drop that large in a few years suggests that fuel choice responded strongly to price, so changing the relative price of fuels could change smoke more than persuasion alone. Rubric: full credit for "at least 67%" with the reason for "at least" and a sensible inference; partial credit for 67% alone.
Question 19 of 20 · Short Answer
In Source 7, Joan Merrill, Carlos Vega and the clinic nurse see the problem differently. State each view fairly, and explain one challenge their disagreement creates for the people trying to address the problem.
Model answer: Joan Merrill sees a cost she cannot pay and a habit that has been safe for her for forty years. Carlos Vega would gain business from a rule but does not want people forced from their homes. The nurse sees the health harm on warning-level days and wants burning stopped then. The challenge is that a rule strong enough to satisfy the nurse would fall hardest on residents like Merrill, so the district must weigh health, cost and fairness at once. Rubric: full credit for three fair views and one challenge; partial credit for two views. Do not credit answers that call any resident wrong.
Question 20 of 20 · Short Answer
Explain one opportunity open to the people trying to address smoke in Wenden Basin that was not open to London in 1306 (Source 4), and one challenge both places share.
Model answer: Opportunity: Wenden Basin has a cleaner technology, a low-smoke stove, plus a rebate, a monitor that counts warning days, and a district with power to set rules (paragraphs 2-4); London in 1306 had only bans and punishments. Shared challenge: in both places a rule asks people to give up a cheap and useful fuel, and London's proclamation drew "Little notice" (Source 4, paragraph 2), as a Wenden rule might if residents cannot afford to comply. Rubric: full credit for one supported opportunity and one supported shared challenge; partial credit for one of the two.
0 of 20 answered · 0 correct
06
Frequently Asked Questions
10 Questions
What does D4.6.9-12 mean?
D4.6.9-12 asks high school students to use disciplinary and interdisciplinary lenses to understand a problem: its characteristics and causes at the local, regional and global levels, its instances in several contexts, and the challenges and opportunities facing the people who tried to address it over time and place.
What is the difference between a disciplinary and an interdisciplinary lens?
A disciplinary lens uses the questions of one field, such as economics or chemistry. An interdisciplinary lens joins two or more to explain something neither explains alone. In this lesson, law and economics together show why a firm that pays only a small share of the cost of its smoke has little reason to stop.
What does "instances of such problems in multiple contexts" mean?
It means comparing the same kind of problem in different places or times. Students compare coal smoke in medieval London, Victorian Britain, Pittsburgh, and the United States after the First World War, and explain why the same problem looked different and why some fixes worked in one place but not another.
How is D4.6.9-12 different from D4.6.6-8?
Grades 6-8 analyze one specific problem at three levels over time. Grades 9-12 add instances in multiple contexts and interdisciplinary lenses, and they compare challenges and opportunities across times and places. The tasks ask students to weigh sources that disagree.
Why use coal smoke as the vehicle?
Because the record runs from a 1257 account to the 1920s, across two countries and many cities, and the period sources disagree about whether smoke was an engineering, economic or psychological problem. That gives students real instances to compare. The topic is historical; the quiz moves to an invented valley town.
Does this lesson take a side on environmental policy?
No. It studies how people in the past understood and argued about one problem, and the rubric scores the analysis. Students are asked to state fairly the views of manufacturers, workers and residents as well as reformers. The invented scenario has no correct policy answer.
Are advocates' sources a problem?
They are evidence of a position. Sources 1 and 2 were written by smoke-abatement advocates, and Source 5 weighs the manufacturers' difficulties more. The lesson asks students to note each author's position, to separate their facts from their judgments, and to look for groups the sources describe but do not quote.
How should I grade the Instance Comparison Matrix?
Look for named lenses, causes kept separate from characteristics, and comparisons across each row rather than separate lists. The homework rubric gives four criteria worth two points each.
How does D4.6.9-12 connect to other courses?
It fits U.S. and world history, economics and environmental science. The source work matches RH.11-12.9, which asks students to integrate diverse primary and secondary sources and note discrepancies, and the cause analysis builds on D2.His.14.9-12.
What comes after D4.6.9-12?
D4.7.9-12, where students assess options for individual and collective action on a problem, and D4.8.9-12, where they apply deliberative and democratic procedures to decide. Here those steps are done as classroom simulations and written plans.
07
Related Standards
5 standards
These standards connect to D4.6.9-12: prerequisites to review first, parallel standards at the same level, and next steps that build on it.
Before this lesson
D4.6.6-8Prerequisite
Analyze a problem at local, regional and global levels through several lenses
Assess options for individual and collective action on local to global problems
Lesson coming soon
Standard text: National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS), The College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards: Guidance for Enhancing the Rigor of K-12 Civics, Economics, Geography, and History (Silver Spring, MD: NCSS, 2013). NCSS was not involved in the production of this lesson and does not endorse it.