D2.Civ.6.9-12: Critiquing the Ties Among Government, Civil Society and Markets
In plain English: D2.Civ.6.9-12 is the C3 Framework civics indicator for grades 9-12 that asks students to critique the relationships among governments, civil societies and economic markets. Students weigh how each sector supports, limits and depends on the others, using evidence and more than one perspective, as in debates over antitrust law, philanthropy and business incentives.
Critique relationships among governments, civil societies, and economic markets.
C3 Framework for Social Studies (NCSS) · Dimension 2: Applying Disciplinary Concepts and Tools · Discipline: Civics · Civic and Political Institutions · Official standard
D2.Civ.6.9-12 asks students to critique the relationships among governments, civil societies and economic markets. Each sector shapes the others: governments charter, tax and regulate businesses and grant tax exemptions to charities; businesses lobby governments and fund civil society; voluntary groups petition, sue, boycott and organize (Diagram 1). A critique weighs those ties with evidence and gives the strongest case on more than one side (Diagram 2).
The lesson centers on the debate over big business between 1883 and 1910. Students read the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 (Source 1), the Yale sociologist William Graham Sumner in 1883 (Source 2), Theodore Roosevelt's "New Nationalism" speech of 1910 (Source 3) and the steel industrialist Andrew Carnegie's 1889 essay on wealth (Source 4). An invented scenario about a city's business incentive (Source 5) brings the same questions to the present.
Learning Objectives
By the end of this lesson, students will be able to:
Identify ways governments, civil society and markets support, limit and depend on one another
Critique a relationship by naming who gains and who loses and testing claims with evidence
Compare how Sumner, Roosevelt and Carnegie would check the power of concentrated wealth
Explain what the Sherman Antitrust Act prohibits and evaluate one criticism of its approach
Apply a critique to a present-day scenario, giving the strongest case for more than one side
Prior Knowledge Required
Students should already be comfortable with:
Describing the roles of political, civil and economic organizations D2.Civ.6.6-8
Evaluating an author's premises, claims and evidence RH.11-12.8
Basic background: the growth of railroads and large corporations after the Civil War
"A billionaire gives $50 million to build a new public library. Write one reason a community might welcome the gift and one reason someone might be uneasy about it. Then do the same for a city that pays for the library with taxes instead."
Collect reasons on two lists. Students usually raise speed and generosity on one side, and influence, accountability and fairness on the other. Name the three sectors: government (public bodies that make and enforce laws and collect taxes), civil society (the voluntary associations people form outside government and business, such as charities, congregations, clubs and advocacy groups) and markets (the exchanges among businesses, workers and buyers). D2.Civ.6.9-12 asks students to critique the relationships among them: to weigh, with evidence, what each tie does well and badly. Show Diagram 1.
Direct Instruction15-20 minutes
Part 1: What a critique is. Show Diagram 2. A critique describes a relationship, asks who gains and who loses, tests claims against evidence, states the strongest version of the other side ("steelmanning") and only then judges. It is different from an attack: a fair critique can end by defending a relationship. Then work these four examples, one for each kind of tie in Diagram 1.
Government and markets: a licensing rule
Invented example: a city requires every food truck to buy a $1,500 yearly license and to park at least 200 feet from any restaurant. Critique the rule.
Result: Strength: the license fee pays for health inspections that protect buyers. Weakness: the distance rule protects existing restaurants from competition rather than protecting the public, and a $1,500 fee is a larger burden for a one-truck business than for a chain. Test: ask who asked for the distance rule. If restaurant owners lobbied for it, the rule may serve a market interest in the name of public health. Judgment: keep the inspections, and require the city to show a safety reason for the distance rule.
Civil society shaping markets and government: the National Consumers League
Founded in 1899, the National Consumers League urged shoppers to buy goods made under fair working conditions and pressed states for laws limiting women's working hours. In Muller v. Oregon (1908) the Supreme Court upheld such a law after a brief prepared with the League's research. Critique the League's methods.
Result: Strength: a voluntary group used both buyers' choices and the courts, and gathered evidence that officials then relied on. Weakness: laws written to "protect" women only were later criticized for keeping women out of some jobs and for treating them as less capable than men. Judgment: civil society can move markets and government at once, but its success does not settle whether the rule it wins is fair to everyone it covers.
Markets funding civil society: the Carnegie libraries
From the 1880s to 1919, Andrew Carnegie paid for the buildings of more than 1,600 public libraries in the United States. Towns usually had to provide the land and promise to spend about a tenth of the gift each year, from taxes, to run the library. Critique the arrangement.
Result: Strength: private wealth built public institutions quickly, and the upkeep pledge made towns invest their own money and kept the libraries going. Weakness: a donor, not voters, decided which towns got buildings and on what terms, and some towns turned down the money on principle. Judgment: the arrangement linked all three sectors, with private money, public taxes and local library boards, which made it stronger than a gift alone.
Government supporting civil society: the charitable deduction
Since 1917, federal income tax law has let people deduct gifts to charities. Critique this tie between government and civil society.
Result: Strength: the deduction encourages giving, so many charities can do work the government might otherwise pay for. Weakness: the tax savings are larger for people in higher tax brackets, so wealthier donors get a bigger public subsidy for the causes they choose, and the government must decide which groups count as charities. Judgment: the tie strengthens civil society, but citizens may reasonably debate who should steer the subsidy.
Part 2: The Gilded Age debate. Between the Civil War and World War I, railroads, oil, steel and banking grew into enormous corporations, and Americans argued about how far government should go in controlling them. Students will read four voices from that debate: a federal law (Source 1), a Yale professor (Source 2), a former president (Source 3) and one of the richest industrialists of the age (Source 4). None of them speaks for a party of today, and each has defenders and critics among historians and economists.
Guided Practice15 minutes
The law itself. Read Source 1 with the class. Glossary: "restraint of trade" (an agreement or action that limits competition), "trust" (in 1890, an arrangement in which the owners of competing companies handed control to one board of trustees), "misdemeanor" (a less serious crime than a felony), "proceedings in equity" (lawsuits asking a court to order someone to stop an action).
1An act to protect trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies.
2Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
3Sec. 1. Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations, is hereby declared to be illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or engage in any such combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment not exceeding one year, or by both said punishments, at the discretion of the court.
4Sec. 2. Every person who shall monopolize, or attempt to monopolize, or combine or conspire with any other person or persons, to monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, [...]
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5Sec. 4. The several circuit courts of the United States are hereby invested with jurisdiction to prevent and restrain violations of this act; and it shall be the duty of the several district attorneys of the United States, in their respective districts, under the direction of the Attorney-General, to institute proceedings in equity to prevent and restrain such violations. [...]
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6Sec. 7. Any person who shall be injured in his business or property by any other person or corporation by reason of anything forbidden or declared to be unlawful by this act, may sue therefor in any circuit court of the United States in the district in which the defendant resides or is found, without respect to the amount in controversy, and shall recover three fold the damages by him sustained, and the costs of suit, including a reasonable attorney's fee.
7Sec. 8. That the word "person," or "persons," wherever used in this act shall be deemed to include corporations and associations existing under or authorized by the laws of either the United States, the laws of any of the Territories, the laws of any State, or the laws of any foreign country.
Fifty-first Congress of the United States, An Act to Protect Trade and Commerce Against Unlawful Restraints and Monopolies (the Sherman Antitrust Act), July 2, 1890: title, enacting clause and sections 1, 2 (in part), 4 (in part), 7 and 8 (Source 1) (1890). Public domain (published 1890). Source text.
Penalties. Prompt: what is the largest punishment section 1 allows for one violation? Teacher note: a fine "not exceeding five thousand dollars," imprisonment "not exceeding one year," or both (paragraph 3). Ask whether a $5,000 fine would worry a trust worth tens of millions of dollars.
Who enforces. Prompt: which officials does section 4 charge with bringing cases? Teacher note: "the several district attorneys of the United States [...] under the direction of the Attorney-General" (paragraph 5). Enforcement depends on the executive branch's choices, which varies from one administration to the next.
Who counts as a person. Prompt: why does section 8 matter? Teacher note: it makes "corporations and associations" persons under the act (paragraph 7), so a company, and not only its owners, can break and be punished under the law.
Critique. Pairs apply Diagram 2 to the act's relationship between government and markets: one strength, one weakness, one piece of evidence each. Share two pairs' answers before moving on.
Independent Practice20 minutes
Three voices. Assign each student Source 2, 3 or 4 to read closely and the other two to skim, then run Activity 1, the seminar. Glossary for Source 2: "chartered corporations" (companies created by a charter from a legislature), "plutocrats" (people who rule because of wealth), "declamation" (loud speechmaking). Source 3: "special interests" (groups seeking advantages for themselves from government), "suffrage" (the right to vote), "publicity" (here, public disclosure). Source 4: "administration of wealth" (how wealth is managed and spent), "surplus revenues" (income beyond what a family needs), "trustee" (a person who manages property for the benefit of others).
1For now I come to the particular point which I desire to bring forward against all the denunciations and complainings about the power of chartered corporations and aggregated capital. If charters have been given which confer undue powers, who gave them? Our legislators did. Who elected these legislators. We did. If we are a free, self-governing people, we must understand that it costs vigilance and exertion to be self-governing. [...] If we are a free, self-governing people, we can blame nobody but ourselves for our misfortunes. No one will come to help us out of them. It will do no good to heap law upon law, or to try by constitutional provisions simply to abstain from the use of powers which we find we always abuse. How can we get bad legislators to pass a law which shall hinder bad legislators from passing a bad law? [...] The plutocrats are simply trying to do what the generals, nobles, and priests have done in the past--get the power of the State into their hands, so as to bend the rights of others to their own advantage; [...] The plan of electing men to represent us who systematically surrender public to private interests, and then trying to cure the mischief by newspaper and platform declamation against capital and corporations, is an entire failure.
2The new foes must be met, as the old ones were met--by institutions and guarantees. [...] The judiciary has given the most satisfactory evidence that it is competent to the new duty which devolves upon it. [...] The chief need seems to be more power of voluntary combination and co-operation among those who are aggrieved. Such co-operation is a constant necessity under free self-government; and when, in any community, men lose the power of voluntary co-operation in furtherance or defense of their own interests, they deserve to suffer, with no other remedy than newspaper denunciations and platform declamations. [...] On the side of political machinery there is no ground for hope, but only for fear. On the side of constitutional guarantees and the independent action of self-governing freemen there is every ground for hope.
William Graham Sumner, What Social Classes Owe to Each Other, chapter VII (Source 2: on corporations, legislators and voluntary co-operation) (1883). Public domain (published 1883). Source text.
1Now, this means that our government, national and state, must be freed from the sinister influence or control of special interests. Exactly as the special interests of cotton and slavery threatened our political integrity before the Civil War, so now the great special business interests too often control and corrupt the men and methods of government for their own profit. We must drive the special interests out of politics. [...] For every special interest is entitled to justice, but not one is entitled to a vote in Congress, to a voice on the bench, or to representation in any public office. The Constitution guarantees protection to property, and we must make that promise good. But it does not give the right of suffrage to any corporation.
2The true friend of property, the true conservative, is he who insists that property shall be the servant and not the master of the commonwealth; who insists that the creature of man's making shall be the servant and not the master of the man who made it. The citizens of the United States must effectively control the mighty commercial forces which they have themselves called into being.
3There can be no effective control of corporations while their political activity remains. To put an end to it will be neither a short nor an easy task, but it can be done.
4We must have complete and effective publicity of corporate affairs, so that the people may know beyond peradventure whether the corporations obey the law and whether their management entitles them to the confidence of the public. It is necessary that laws should be passed to prohibit the use of corporate funds directly or indirectly for political purposes; it is still more necessary that such laws should be thoroughly enforced. [...]
[...]
5Combinations in industry are the result of an imperative economic law which cannot be repealed by political legislation. The effort at prohibiting all combination has substantially failed. The way out lies, not in attempting to prevent such combinations, but in completely controlling them in the interest of the public welfare. [...]
Theodore Roosevelt, "The New Nationalism," speech at Osawatomie, Kansas, August 31, 1910 (Source 3) (1910). Public domain (published 1910). Source text.
1The problem of our age is the proper administration of wealth, so that the ties of brotherhood may still bind together the rich and poor in harmonious relationship. [...]
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2The price which society pays for the law of competition, like the price it pays for cheap comforts and luxuries, is also great; but the advantages of this law are also greater still, for it is to this law that we owe our wonderful material development, which brings improved conditions in its train. [...] We accept and welcome, therefore, as conditions to which we must accommodate ourselves, great inequality of environment, the concentration of business, industrial and commercial, in the hands of a few, and the law of competition between these, as being not only beneficial, but essential for the future progress of the race. [...]
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3The growing disposition to tax more and more heavily large estates left at death is a cheering indication of the growth of a salutary change in public opinion. [...] Of all forms of taxation, this seems the wisest. Men who continue hoarding great sums all their lives, the proper use of which for public ends would work good to the community, should be made to feel that the community, in the form of the state, cannot thus be deprived of its proper share. [...]
[...]
4This, then, is held to be the duty of the man of Wealth: First, to set an example of modest, unostentatious living, shunning display or extravagance; to provide moderately for the legitimate wants of those dependent upon him; and after doing so to consider all surplus revenues which come to him simply as trust funds, which he is called upon to administer, and strictly bound as a matter of duty to administer in the manner which, in his judgment, is best calculated to produce the most beneficial results for the community—the man of wealth thus becoming the mere agent and trustee for his poorer brethren, bringing to their service his superior wisdom, experience, and ability to administer, doing for them better than they would or could do for themselves.
[...]
5Individualism will continue, but the millionaire will be but a trustee for the poor; intrusted for a season with a great part of the increased wealth of the community, but administering it for the community far better than it could or would have done for itself. [...]
Andrew Carnegie, "Wealth," The North American Review, volume 148, June 1889 (Source 4: the essay later called "The Gospel of Wealth") (1889). Public domain (published 1889). Source text.
Closure15-20 minutes
Back to the present. Introduce Source 5, an invented scenario for Activity 2 and the homework. Students read it and mark each organization as government, civil society or market.
1Invented scenario, written for this page. Riverton is a fictional city of 85,000 people. Northfield Logistics, a large online retailer, wants to build a warehouse on empty land near the highway. The company says it will hire 600 workers at an average of $19 an hour. It asks the city council for a property-tax abatement (a reduction in the taxes it would owe) worth $4.5 million over 10 years, and says it will build in another state if the council says no.
2Groups take sides. The Riverton Chamber of Commerce, a business association, supports the deal. A group of downtown shop owners worries that more online sales will hurt their stores. The local food bank and two neighborhood associations form a coalition and ask for a community benefits agreement: a signed promise that the company will hire Riverton residents first and give $200,000 a year to a job-training program at the community college. A labor union asks the company to stay neutral if its workers vote on whether to join a union. Residents near the site worry about truck traffic on streets that pass two elementary schools.
3The council meets in public, and 140 people sign up to speak. Council members point out that the empty land now produces almost no property tax, and that the school district, which receives part of the property taxes collected in Riverton, would get less from the new warehouse during the abatement years than it would without the abatement.
SVHS (invented scenario written for this page), The Riverton Warehouse Deal (Source 5: invented scenario). Original passage written for this page.
Exit ticket: Which writer from Sources 2-4 would you most want on the Riverton council, and what would that writer say about the abatement? One quotation required.
Teacher note on the sources: Sources 1-4 are quoted exactly as published. Carnegie writes of "the survival of the fittest" and "the progress of the race," phrases from the social Darwinism of his day, which applied a misreading of evolution to rich and poor; a paragraph left out here contrasts "civilized man" with the Sioux in terms that are condescending. Sumner and Carnegie are sometimes grouped together, but their texts disagree on important points. Roosevelt's speech was part of a political campaign. Keep the discussion on the relationships the writers describe; the lesson does not ask students to adopt any writer's view or a position on current policy.
Differentiation Strategies
For Struggling Students
Assign one source to read closely with a three-column organizer: what the writer says is wrong, what should fix it, which sector does the fixing
Give the glossary terms on cards that students can place next to the lines where they appear
Use the Diagram 2 moves as sentence starters: "This tie helps ___ because ___; it hurts ___ because ___."
For Advanced Students
Read the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914 and explain how it answered criticisms of the Sherman Act
Research one modern case under the Sherman Act and critique the relationship it reveals between government and a market
Write a dialogue in which Sumner and Carnegie debate the estate tax, using only positions their texts support
Assessment Guidance
What to Look For
Strong critiques describe a specific relationship, say who gains and who loses, support each claim with a quotation or fact and give the strongest version of the opposing view before judging. Look for students who notice agreement across apparent opponents (Sumner and Roosevelt both feared wealth capturing government) and disagreement among apparent allies (Sumner and Carnegie). Watch for critiques that only praise or only condemn, for treating a writer as a stand-in for a modern party, and for claims about Riverton that go beyond the facts given.
02
Classroom Activities
3 Activities
1
Three-Voice Seminar
20 minWhole class (inner and outer circle)
Students who read Source 2, 3 or 4 closely sit in the inner circle and speak for their writer, quoting the text. The outer circle tracks which relationships among the three sectors come up and scores the quality of the evidence. Halfway through, circles switch.
Seminar Questions
What does your writer see as the biggest danger in the relationship between wealth and government?
Which sector does your writer trust most to fix it, and why?
Where do two of the writers agree, even though they seem to be opponents?
What would each writer say about the Sherman Act (Source 1)?
Which writer's remedy has the most serious weakness? Steelman it first.
Outer-Circle Tracker
Tally each time a speaker names a relationship from Diagram 1.
Mark a star when a speaker quotes the text and a check when a speaker answers another speaker directly.
Modification for a Shorter Class
Use questions 1, 3 and 5 only, with one inner circle of six students and the rest of the class tracking.
2
Riverton Relationship Audit
20 minGroups of 4
Groups map every relationship in Source 5 on chart paper using the three-sector triangle of Diagram 1, then critique the two they think matter most with all five moves of Diagram 2.
Steps
List every organization in Source 5 and place it at a corner of the triangle.
Draw an arrow for each relationship and label it with a verb ("asks for an abatement," "negotiates an agreement").
Choose two arrows and critique each: who gains, who loses, what evidence you would want, the strongest case for the other side, and your judgment.
Discussion Questions
Which group in Source 5 has the least power in the process? What could change that?
Does the community benefits agreement make the deal fairer, or does it let a few groups bargain for everyone?
Ground Rule
Riverton is invented. Critique the relationships, not real companies or officials, and give both the case for and the case against the abatement.
3
Sherman Act Case Cards
15 minPairs
Pairs read 8 invented business-conduct cards and decide whether each likely violates section 1 or 2 of the Sherman Act, likely does not, or needs more facts, quoting the section they rely on. The key reflects how courts have read the act, which this lesson labels as an extension beyond the 1890 text.
The 8 Cards
Three cement companies agree to charge the same price in four states.
A bakery becomes the only bakery in town because its bread is better and cheaper.
Two shipping firms agree to split the country, one taking the East and one the West.
A company buys every rival in a national market, then raises prices sharply.
A small business owner refuses to sell to a customer who was rude.
Competing builders agree never to bid against each other on school contracts.
A company threatens suppliers who also sell to its only rival.
Two companies merge to compete better against a much larger third firm.
Answer Key for the Teacher (extension: how courts have read the act)
Likely violates: 1, 3 and 6 (agreements among competitors on prices, territories or bids: section 1); 4 and 7 (gaining or keeping a monopoly by buying out or shutting out rivals rather than by competing, under section 2; the Clayton Act of 1914 also covers mergers like card 4).
Likely does not: 2 (winning by a better product is not unlawful monopolizing; in United States v. Grinnell Corp., 1966, the Supreme Court defined the offense as the willful acquisition or maintenance of monopoly power, "as distinguished from growth or development as a consequence of a superior product, business acumen, or historic accident") and 5 (one business's choice of customers, with no agreement and no market power).
Needs more facts: 8 (a merger is judged by its likely effect on competition in the market, so students need to know the firms' market shares).
Discussion Questions
Section 1 says "Every contract [...] in restraint of trade." Why might courts have decided not to read "every" literally?
Which card best shows the relationship between government and markets that Roosevelt (Source 3) worried about?
03
Diagrams & Visual Aids
2 diagrams
Diagram 1: Three Sectors and the Ties Among Them
Government, civil society and markets each act on the other two. Left side: government grants charters and tax exemptions; civil society answers with petitions, votes and lawsuits. Right side: government regulates and taxes markets and enforces antitrust law; market actors lobby and give campaign money. Bottom: market actors donate, sponsor and employ; civil society organizes boycotts, cooperatives and community benefit agreements. Each arrow is a relationship students can critique.
Diagram 2: Five Moves of a Critique
Describe the relationship, ask who gains and who loses, test claims against evidence, state the strongest version of the other side, then judge and propose. A critique can end by defending a relationship as well as by attacking it.
04
Homework Assignment
~30 min
D2.Civ.6.9-12 Homework: Critiquing the Riverton Warehouse Deal
Directions: Use Source 5 (Closure) and Sources 1-4 (Guided and Independent Practice). Show your arithmetic. Every critique must name who gains and who loses and give the strongest case for the other side.
Part 1: The Numbers and the Map (Problems 1-3)
Using Source 5, compute the warehouse's yearly payroll if 600 workers average $19 an hour for 2,080 hours a year. Then compute the abatement per year and the ratio of payroll to the yearly abatement. What do these numbers leave out?
Over 10 years, how much would the company give to job training under the proposed community benefits agreement? Compare it with the total abatement and explain what the comparison does and does not show.
Draw the three-sector triangle for Riverton with at least six labeled arrows, and mark the two relationships you think carry the most risk.
Part 2: Critique (Problems 4-6)
Sumner (Source 2) warned about legislators who "surrender public to private interests." Write the strongest argument that the Riverton abatement fits his warning, then the strongest argument that it does not.
Roosevelt (Source 3) called for "complete and effective publicity of corporate affairs." List four facts the Riverton council and public should be able to see before the vote, and explain why each matters.
Write a critique of 300-400 words of one relationship in Riverton, using all five moves of Diagram 2 and at least two of Sources 1-4 as lenses.
Rubric
Criterion
Full Credit (2 pts)
Partial Credit (1 pt)
No Credit (0 pts)
Accuracy
Calculations correct; facts match Source 5
One error
Two or more errors
Relationships
Names specific ties among all three sectors
Names ties between only two sectors
No relationships identified
Balance
Strongest case for each side, in fair terms
Other side mentioned but weakened
One side only
Use of Sources
Two sources used as lenses, with quotations
One source, or sources without quotations
No sources
05
Quiz: 20 Questions
Interactive, with answers
Instructions
Questions 1-3 use Source 1 (the Sherman Act) in Guided Practice. Questions 4-6 and 15 use Source 2 (Sumner), Questions 8-10 use Source 3 (Roosevelt) and Questions 11-13 use Source 4 (Carnegie), all in Independent Practice. Questions 14, 18 and 19 use Source 5, the invented scenario in Closure. Questions 7, 16, 17 and 20 compare sources. Your score updates as you answer, and Reset quiz clears everything.
Multiple choice: pick an option to check it. Short answer: write your answer, then reveal the model answer.
0 of 20 answered · 0 correct
Question 1 of 20 · Multiple Choice
What does section 1 of the Sherman Act (Source 1, paragraph 3) declare illegal?
Answer: B
Section 1 declares illegal "Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations." Choice A confuses size with restraint of trade; the act does not ban growth. Choice C would ban most companies, which the act does not do. Choice D describes a pricing practice the 1890 text does not mention.
Question 2 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which business conduct does section 2 (Source 1, paragraph 4) most directly target?
Answer: C
Section 2 covers "Every person who shall monopolize, or attempt to monopolize" any part of interstate or foreign trade. Choice A is the kind of agreement covered by section 1. Choice B is not in the act. Choice D comes from section 7, where a winning plaintiff recovers an attorney's fee; it is not prohibited conduct.
Question 3 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Section 7 (Source 1, paragraph 6) lets an injured person sue and "recover three fold the damages." What does this add to the relationship between government and markets?
Answer: D
With triple damages and costs, businesses and people harmed by a violation have a strong reason to sue, so enforcement does not depend only on the district attorneys named in section 4. Choice A is wrong because section 4 still charges federal attorneys with enforcement. Choice C confuses criminal fines with damages. Choice B is the reverse of "Any person," which section 8 extends to corporations and associations as well.
Question 4 of 20 · Multiple Choice
In Source 2, paragraph 1, how does Sumner answer complaints about "chartered corporations and aggregated capital"?
Answer: B
Sumner asks, "If charters have been given which confer undue powers, who gave them? Our legislators did. Who elected these legislators. We did." He places responsibility on government and on the citizens who choose it. Choice A ignores his point that power was granted, not seized. Choices C and D are not in the passage; Sumner praises the courts in paragraph 2.
Question 5 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Sumner asks, "How can we get bad legislators to pass a law which shall hinder bad legislators from passing a bad law?" What is he questioning?
Answer: D
The question comes right after "It will do no good to heap law upon law": if the lawmakers are the problem, asking them to write more laws will not fix it. Choice A misreads him; he does not oppose corporations as such. Choice B contradicts his call for citizen "vigilance." Choice C confuses the question with the courts, which he trusts.
Question 6 of 20 · Multiple Choice
According to Source 2, paragraph 2, where does Sumner see "the chief need"?
Answer: A
Sumner writes, "The chief need seems to be more power of voluntary combination and co-operation among those who are aggrieved," along with the courts and constitutional guarantees. That is a remedy from civil society, not from new government machinery. Choice B is closer to Roosevelt's call for stronger federal agencies (Source 3). Choice D is closer to Carnegie (Source 4). Choice C is not in the passage.
Question 7 of 20 · Multiple Choice
On which point do Sumner (Source 2) and Roosevelt (Source 3) agree?
Answer: A
Sumner warns that plutocrats try to "get the power of the State into their hands," and Roosevelt that special business interests "control and corrupt the men and methods of government." They disagree about the cure, not the danger. Choice B is not either writer's proposal. Choice C is Carnegie's idea. Choice D contradicts Roosevelt, who says the way out is not "attempting to prevent such combinations."
Question 8 of 20 · Multiple Choice
What does Roosevelt mean when he says property should be "the servant and not the master of the commonwealth" (Source 3, paragraph 2)?
Answer: C
He goes on: "The citizens of the United States must effectively control the mighty commercial forces which they have themselves called into being." In the same speech he says "The Constitution guarantees protection to property, and we must make that promise good," so Choice A contradicts him. Choices B and D take the metaphor literally.
Question 9 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Which remedy for corporate influence in politics does Roosevelt propose in Source 3, paragraph 4?
Answer: C
Roosevelt says "laws should be passed to prohibit the use of corporate funds directly or indirectly for political purposes" and that "it is still more necessary that such laws should be thoroughly enforced," along with "complete and effective publicity of corporate affairs." Choice A contradicts "it does not give the right of suffrage to any corporation." Choice B is the opposite of his call for regulation. Choice D is closer to Sumner's trust in voluntary action.
Question 10 of 20 · Multiple Choice
Roosevelt says "The effort at prohibiting all combination has substantially failed" (Source 3, paragraph 5). Which source is that sentence most directly a critique of?
Answer: A
The Sherman Act declares "Every contract, combination [...] in restraint of trade" illegal, which is the effort at prohibition Roosevelt says has failed; he wants to control combinations instead. Choices B and C are writers who did not propose prohibiting combinations. Choice D is an invented present-day scenario.
Question 11 of 20 · Multiple Choice
How does Carnegie view "the law of competition" in Source 4, paragraph 2?
Answer: B
Carnegie says the price of competition "is also great; but the advantages of this law are also greater still," and he accepts inequality and concentration as "essential for the future progress of the race." Choice A is the opposite of his view. Choices C and D are not in the passage.
Question 12 of 20 · Multiple Choice
What does Carnegie say about heavy taxes on large estates left at death (Source 4, paragraph 3)?
Answer: D
Carnegie calls "The growing disposition to tax more and more heavily large estates left at death" "a cheering indication," and writes, "Of all forms of taxation, this seems the wisest." Choice A reverses him. Choice B misreads the British example left out of the passage. Choice C contradicts his main argument, which is that the wealthy should give during their lives.
Question 13 of 20 · Multiple Choice
In Source 4, what role does Carnegie give the wealthy man in relation to the community?
Answer: A
Carnegie says the man of wealth should treat surplus revenues "simply as trust funds" and become "the mere agent and trustee for his poorer brethren." The relationship runs from market wealth to the community through private giving, not through government. Choice C is the opposite of his duty to give. Choices B and D are not in the passage.
Question 14 of 20 · Multiple Choice
In Source 5, the abatement is worth $4.5 million over 10 years and the company promises 600 jobs. Over the full 10 years, what is the abatement per promised job?
Answer: B
$4,500,000 / 600 jobs = $7,500 per job over the 10 years. Choice A also divides by the 10 years, which gives a yearly figure, not the total the question asks for. Choice C divides by 60 instead of 600, a place-value slip. Choice D multiplies $4.5 million by 600 instead of dividing. A figure per job assumes all 600 jobs are created and filled, which the company has only promised.
Question 15 of 20 · Short Answer
Critique the relationship between government and markets that Sumner describes in Source 2. Give one strength and one weakness of his remedy.
Model answer: Sumner says legislators, elected by "We," granted the charters that gave corporations "undue powers," so the problem is government serving private interests. Strength: his remedy, "voluntary combination and co-operation" plus the courts, does not hand more power to the same legislators he distrusts. Weakness: people harmed by a powerful corporation may be scattered and poor, so voluntary co-operation may be slow or impossible, and he gives no evidence that it worked against the railroads of his day. Rubric: 1 point for describing the relationship; 1 point each for a strength and a weakness with evidence.
Question 16 of 20 · Short Answer
Roosevelt and Carnegie both wanted to check the power of great fortunes. Compare the sectors each relies on, using Sources 3 and 4.
Model answer: Roosevelt relies on government: national supervision, laws against corporate political spending and "complete and effective publicity of corporate affairs." Carnegie relies mainly on civil society, with the wealthy acting as "trustee for the poor" and giving away their surplus, but he also welcomes heavy estate taxes, a government tool, as "the wisest" form of taxation. So Carnegie is not purely private; he combines philanthropy with taxation at death, while Roosevelt focuses on regulation during business life. Rubric: 2 points for each writer's sectors with evidence; 1 point for noticing Carnegie's mix.
Question 17 of 20 · Short Answer
Using Source 3, explain Roosevelt's criticism of the approach in Source 1. Then give the strongest reply a defender of the Sherman Act could make.
Model answer: Roosevelt says combinations come from "an imperative economic law" and that prohibiting them "has substantially failed," so government should control them instead. A defender could reply that a clear prohibition, enforced in court, avoids the risk Sumner describes: regulators and legislators who control an industry can be captured by it, while a ban on price-fixing and monopolizing is harder to bend. Rubric: 2 points for Roosevelt's criticism with a quotation; 2 points for a strong reply with reasoning.
Question 18 of 20 · Short Answer
Identify three relationships among government, civil society and markets in Source 5, one for each pair of sectors.
Model answer: Government and markets: the city council decides whether to give Northfield Logistics a tax abatement, and the company says it will go elsewhere if refused. Civil society and markets: the food bank and neighborhood associations ask the company for a community benefits agreement; the union asks the company to stay neutral. Government and civil society: 140 people sign up to speak at the public council meeting, and the school district, a government body, would receive less tax money. Rubric: 1 point for each correctly identified relationship with a detail from the source.
Question 19 of 20 · Short Answer
Critique the community benefits agreement in Source 5 as a tie between civil society and markets. Give the strongest case for it and the strongest case against it.
Model answer: For: it lets residents' own organizations win concrete promises, local hiring and $200,000 a year for training, that a tax deal alone would not include, and it makes the company answer to the community. Against: a few groups negotiate for a whole city without being elected, the promises are only as good as their enforcement, and the agreement could make a costly abatement look better than it is. Rubric: 2 points for each case stated fairly with a detail from the source.
Question 20 of 20 · Short Answer
Which relationship among governments, civil societies and markets did the writers in Sources 2-4 worry about most? Were they right to worry? Support your answer with two sources.
Model answer: Sumner and Roosevelt both worried most about wealth capturing government, Sumner through legislators who "surrender public to private interests" and Roosevelt through special interests that "control and corrupt" government. Carnegie worried more about how wealth from markets would be used. Their worry was reasonable: both writers point to the political spending and special favors of their time, and Roosevelt's call for laws against corporate funds in politics shows that the issue was taken seriously. A student may argue the opposite if supported. Rubric: 2 points for an accurate identification; 2 points for a judgment supported by two sources.
0 of 20 answered · 0 correct
06
Frequently Asked Questions
10 Questions
What does D2.Civ.6.9-12 mean?
D2.Civ.6.9-12 asks high school students to critique how governments, civil societies and economic markets relate to one another. The full text is "Critique relationships among governments, civil societies, and economic markets." Students judge, with evidence, how each sector supports, limits or depends on the others.
What is civil society?
Civil society is the space of voluntary associations outside government and business: charities, religious congregations, clubs, unions in their community role, advocacy groups and neighborhood associations. Writers since Tocqueville have described it as a source of self-government and a check on both the state and the market.
What does "critique" mean in D2.Civ.6.9-12?
To critique is to weigh strengths and weaknesses with evidence and reach a judgment. It is not the same as criticizing: a good critique states the strongest case for the other side and may end by defending a relationship. This lesson's Diagram 2 gives five moves: describe, ask who gains and loses, test with evidence, steelman and judge.
Why teach D2.Civ.6.9-12 with the Gilded Age?
The years from the 1880s to 1910 produced a sharp, well-documented debate about big business, with voices that still frame the argument: a federal antitrust law, a defender of limited government, a champion of national regulation and an industrialist philanthropist. Because the debate is historical, students can analyze it without taking sides on current policy.
What did the Sherman Antitrust Act do?
The Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 was the first federal law against trusts and monopolies, and it is still the foundation of U.S. antitrust law. Courts have read it over time to forbid unreasonable restraints of trade rather than every agreement, and Congress added the Clayton Act in 1914.
Were Sumner and Carnegie on the same side?
Not entirely. Both defended competition and private property, and both are often linked with the social Darwinist ideas of their time, but their remedies for the problems of great wealth differ in important ways. Sources 2 and 4 let students find the difference for themselves, which makes a good seminar question.
How do I keep a D2.Civ.6.9-12 lesson nonpartisan?
Use historical sources and invented present-day scenarios, give each side its strongest case and score the reasoning, not the conclusion. Avoid casting any historical writer as a stand-in for a modern party, and keep current companies, officials and pending laws out of the graded work.
How is D2.Civ.6.9-12 different from D2.Civ.6.6-8?
The grades 6-8 indicator asks students to describe the roles of political, civil and economic organizations in people's lives. The grades 9-12 indicator moves to critique: students analyze the ties among the sectors and judge them, for example whether a business incentive or a philanthropic gift serves the public well.
What other standards connect to D2.Civ.6.9-12?
D2.Eco.8.9-12, on the intended and unintended consequences of government policies meant to improve markets, and D2.Eco.9.9-12, on property rights and the rule of law, overlap closely. D2.Civ.13.9-12 asks students to evaluate public policies, and RH.11-12.8 builds the source-evaluation skills a critique needs.
Is the Riverton scenario based on a real city?
No. Riverton and Northfield Logistics are invented for this page. Tax abatements, community benefits agreements and debates about warehouses are real kinds of local decisions, which is why the scenario works for practicing critique without singling out a real community.
07
Related Standards
5 standards
These standards connect to D2.Civ.6.9-12: prerequisites to review first, parallel standards at the same level, and next steps that build on it.
Before this lesson
D2.Civ.6.6-8Prerequisite
Describe the roles of political, civil and economic organizations in shaping lives
Evaluate public policies in terms of intended and unintended outcomes
Lesson coming soon
Standard text: National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS), The College, Career, and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards: Guidance for Enhancing the Rigor of K-12 Civics, Economics, Geography, and History (Silver Spring, MD: NCSS, 2013). NCSS was not involved in the production of this lesson and does not endorse it.